having committed high treason, the ministers deserve commendation for their resistance. This, then, is the result of the farfamed mediation of Russia, which was adopted by the ministers amidst the mutual congratulations of the House of Commons, and amidst almost the huzzas of the people. At the time when this mediation was first proposed, it was strongly protested against in the Register: "We are told

that the Emperor Alexander is fitting out "a fleet, and are given to understand, that "it is to act in our favour. But, how fool"ish, how ridiculously foolish will this na❝tion look, in a few month's time, if it

66

expects any thing from this mediation, "except the further humiliation of Eng"land. Russia must be excellently dis

posed to mediate a peace advantageous "for us, after the trick which the ministers "have played, in order to prevent her from "setting foot in Malta, a post, which, above "all others in the world, she was desirous "to occupy, and which the Consul art"fully proposed to give her possession of. "This must most sweetly dispose her for "acts of amity towards us! Yet, there

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are not wanting politicians to entertain 66 very sanguine hopes from this mediation, "notwithstanding it is evidently the policy, "as it is, indeed, the interest of Russia

(if gratifying her ambition be interest) "to side with France against England, "and to lower the maritime power and "pride of the latter by every possible

46

means, particularly while she holds Malta, "the very place, to obtain which in per

petuity, we are asking, begging, be66 seeching, this monstrous mediation! "Mr. Fox must have made the motion, "to which we have alluded, without any "hope of its being adopted. What, then, "must have been his surprize, to see his "notions, as well as his mischievous mo"tion, adopted by Mr. Pitt? We were "surprized to see Mr. Windham and Mr. "Grenvile silent on this occasion. Ap. 66 prove of the motion they could not, we are certain; and, though it was not put "to the vote, though that was prevented "by the minister's promising to adopt the 66 measure which it recommended, still, 66 we think, that Mr. Windham should "have taken an opportunity of giving "to the whole proceeding some strong "mark of his disapprobation.” *

This was

one of the passages, which was attributed to a desire to create despondency. Events have already prove.!,

Register, Vol. III. p. 828.

that the warning contained in it was very salutary. This asking for the mediation of Russia was a most unwise, and will, in the end, prove a most fatal measure. Had we wished to cut off for ever all hopes of obtaining the co-operation of Russia, and inmoveably to fix that power in the arms of France, we could not have fallen upon a scheme so effectual, as t at of asking for a mediation from her, in a dispute relative to Malta. The ministers must have been fully acquainted with the all-powerful motives, which she had for obtaining possession of that island, or, at any rate, for wresting it from the hands of Great Britain; and, for them, under such circumstances, to appeal to her as an umpire, was an act of imbecility unparalleled in the history even of their blundering administration. It is, however, no more than justice to them to state, that they themselves were averse from the measure, and that they complained most bitterly of the conduct of the House in forcing upon them, as it were by acclamation, the proposition of Mr. Fox. Resist they could not, without hazarding their majority and their places; and, thus, in another and most important concern, have the interest and honour of the country been sacrificed to their vanity and emolument. Having rejected the terms proposed by a mediator chosen by ourselves, our cause will become, all over the world, more unpopular than ever it is utterly incredible, that any of the powers of Europe should think of espousing it: we must fight the battle single-handed, and we may think ourselves extremely fortunate, if Mr. Addington's three hundred and eighty-one days of peace does not finally procure us two or three enemies, in addition to those whom we before had to encounter.

VOLUNTEER CORPS.-These "semina"ries of indiscipline," as they were styled in a former sheet of this work, are giving very striking proofs of the progress, which their pupils have made in their studies. Accounts are given of a corps at the west end of the town, who held a debate of four hours on the question, whether they should or should not lay down their arms, unless the government would submit to their terms! A set of resolutions were finally adopted, including a censure on the colonel, who presided on the occasion! The result is not yet known; but, it is easy to foresee, that, if the government gives way, in this instance, all will become disobedience and mutiny.--Indeed, it is impossible for any reflecting man not to entertain very serious apprehensions as to the effects, which may

result from the deliberations of these armed bodies. Each has its standing committee, and, upon extraordinary occasions, the whole corps is assembled for the purpose of debating Let any man calculate, if he can, the danger which may arise from there being in the country six or seven hundred armed Parliaments. From the discussion of one subject, they will proceed to the discussion of another; till, in the end, the Parliament at Westminster will not dare to act without the consent of the Volunteer Parliaments scattered all over the country. A fearful state of things is approaching, unless the Government instantly resolves to disband every corps, which is under the rule of a committee, and the members of which shall ever, on any occasion, assemble for the purpose of debating, on any subject whatever.The army, indeed, is faithful and obedient, and the contempt, which regular troops must necessarily entertain for these undisciplined, unruly levies, will, too, be a further guard against the evil consequences of example.

But,

really, it is a species of madness to suffer the existence of corps, who are to-day seen in the Park at exercise, and to-morrow threatening to lay down their arms.—One thing, however, should be attended to instantly, and that is, the mode of admitting men into volunteer corps. The admission into these corps exempts the persons admitted, from the ballot for the Militia, and also from that for the Army of Reserve. It is, therefore, of great importance to prescribe the rules by which this admission is to take place. At present a committee of any volunteer-corps can grant such admission, and have therein the absolute power of exempting whomsoever they please, (as far as they have vacancies) from the operation of the Militia and Army of Reserve laws; and, also, in case of invasion, from being liable to march against the enemy, an exemption claimed by several of the volunteer-corps. Now, it never can have been the intention of Parliament to lodge such a power as this in the hands of a committee, and that too, a committee self-created. This committee will always be composed of people of some property; in most cases of men somewhat conceited also, and almost always of a meddling disposition. With such persons, there are a hundred motives for giving the prefeFence; first, to their own relations and friends, and next to those of the same rank in life with themselves. Hence, not only

will there be great and shameful partiality; but, the heavy burthen of the Militia and Army of Reserve will be shifted from those who are able to bear it to those who are not able to bear it. In the case of that corps, for instance, whose refractory conduct has led to these remarks, it is a standing rule with the committee not to admit journey men. The corps consists, or wishes to con sist of a thousand persons; and, what right have any thousand shop-keepers and clerks to meet together and say, that they will exempt themselves from the Militia and Army of Reserve, and throw their share of those burdens upon the journeymen in the parish, in addition to what those journey. men already have to bear? This is so manifestly unreasonable and unjust, that it must be disapproved of by every one who is not the advocate of oppression --In taking leave of this subject, the Circular Letter of the Speaker of the House of Commons, to the Lords Lieutenant of counties, seems to call for a remark. In this letter, which accompanied the vote of thanks to the volun teers, the Speaker notifies the " confidence, "with which the House is impressed, that the "same spirit and exemplary zeal will be "exerted throughout the present contest, "until, with the blessings of Providence, "it shall be brought to a GLORIOUS issue." What animating language! No repetition of the Treaty of Amiens? No mediation of Russia? No ignoble compromise? The ob ject of the war is now ascertained by Parlia ment: it is glory we are to look for; for glory alone are we to contend. Pleased as every one must be at this great sentiment, most persons appear to wish, that it had been conveyed to the public in the form as originally voted by the House of Commons. We all know, that the Speaker is merely the organ of the House; and, it is to be presumed, that he would not, especially upon a subject so momentous as that of the object of the war, have ventured to pass upon the public, as the sense of the House of Commons, his own private opinion. It is, therefore, to be desired that the public may be treated with a sight of the reat vote of the House on this point; for nothing could more strongly tend to animate the nation, and to excite the confidence of foreign powers.

The IVth Letter to Mr. SHERIDAN was, as the reader will perceive, excluded by more impor tant matter, It will appear next week.

LONDON,

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me,

385]

LETTER IV.

TO R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. M. P. SIR,-As a wholesale dealer in philanthropy and liberty, your reputation had long been established previous to the French revolution; but, if I recollect right, it was not till the mutiny in the fleet, in the year 1797, that you became celebrated for that "true English feeling," on the properties, application, and effects of which I shall now, with your leave, offer a few observations To administer a plaster, after having broken one's head, has seldom been regarded as an action worthy of general praise, nor of much gratitude on the part of the patient; yet, it appears to me, that your true English feeling has no better claim to either; for, it never has been applied, except in the midst of that public calamity, which you yourself had contributed to produce. After five years of constant opposition to a war, which was waged against atheism and rebellion; after having, during the whole of that time, used every effort to persuade the people, that they were expending their treasure and their blood in the cause of despotism; after having made use of all the means best calculated to destroy every sentiment in favour of the contest, to damp the spirit, to disgust, and to render discontented both the army and the navy; after this it was, that you expressed a horror of the conduct of the mutineers, that is to say, of the men, who had made an humble attempt to carry your own principles into practice. I do not censure your conduct on that occasion, because, for the moment at least, it could do no harm; but, that I think it entitled to very little praise, will appear from the remarks I made on it at the time, and which I shall now repeat, in an extract from "Percu "pine's Gazette," published at Philadel phia, on the 13th of June, 1797.-" This "event" [the mutiny]" will teach the peo"ple of England to place less reliance upon "their fleet and more upon their army; VOL. IV.

"less confidence in naval tactics than in "their own courage and strength; less dependence on the ever-shitting and incon"stant waves, than in their immoveable "soil. The republicans rejoice in the expectation of beholding the destruction of "Britain. The destruction of her fleet they may behold, but ba-e indeed must

my countrymen have become, if they are "not still able and willing to preserve the "throne of their Sovereign, and with it "their own liberties; all beyond which is, " at best, a very questionable good. The "worst symptom, that I perceive in the af"fairs of England. is, the applause, which "the English news papers lavish on that * * * * * *Mr. Sheridan, in consequence, of something which it appears "he has said against the mutineers. "absolutely impossible, that the English peo"ple can have forgotten the former language "and sentiments of this gentle van, and to "affect to forget it, just in the hour of dis"tress, is, I must confess, to betray a want of "that high spirit, which is peculiarly neces

It is

Their

sary in their present situation. "conduct, in this instance, resembles that "of a terrified patient, who, despairing of "his case, gladly accepts of the assistance "of one whom he knows to be a quack. "Mr. Pitt, instead of joining in the ap"plause bestowed on Mr. Sheridan, should "have treated his proffered support with "disdain, and should have availed himself "of so favourable an opportunity of showing the fatal consequences of the efforts "of his opponents By pursuing a contrary course, he will, when it is too late, find "that he has assisted in puffing up a repu"tation, which will be made to answer the

most mischievous purposes."--This, Sir, was written a few weeks after the mutiny broke out. I was, indeed, at a great distance from the scene; but in some cases, those who are at a distance see best; and, after having now had a few years to take a

nearer view of British politics and political characters, I really find no reason to alter my opinion with regard to your true English feeling, as displayed at the time of the mutiny in the fleet. The next occasion, which presented itself for the exhibition of this admirable quality, was, if I mistake not, upon the revival of the armed neutrality, in 1801. You had constantly combatted, separately, every principle, on which we went to war against the Northern Powers, On that occasion you talked loudly about "mailing the flag to the mast, and sinking "the vessel of state, rather than yield one jot of our maritime rights;" but this language never fell from you, till you perceived, that the war with the Northern Powers was popular; never, till you were morally certain, that the expedition would be atten led with success, and that that success was at no great distance, That the sentiments you expressed had no very solid foundition appeared pretty evident, when Lord Hawkesbury's convention came, a few months afterwards, to be laid before the parliament; for, though, in that convention was surrendered the most important part of those rights, which we had armed to defend, though it, in many instances, contained the substance and the very words of the compact, on which the armed-neutrality was founded, though, in short, nothing could well be more disgraceful to this country, yet. from our lips one word was never heard on the subject. Your dashing speech had obtained some fifty puffs in the news-papers, which had produced their intended effect amongst the silly shop keeping politicians; and, as to the maritime rights you now appear to have cared no more for them, than for the injuries sustained by your unfortunate friend, the Nabob of Arcot, whom, after having represented him as the most injured of mortals, you have abandoned to his fate, because England is threatened with invasion!— Your true English feeling again broke out on the tenth of March last, during the debates, which followed the King's first message relative to the dispute with France; but, as I noticed that, in a letter which I then addressed to you, I shall now hasten to the last memorable display of this invaluable feeling, which, strange as it may seem, did not take place during the debate on the address to the Throne in answer to the King's communication of the declaration of

That was the time, one would think, for you to evince your famous feeling against France and in favour of England. But,

* See this letter, Vol. III. p. 385,

though the debate was very long, though it did, indeed, last two days, not a word, no not one single word did you say, to encourage the people to rally round their Sove. reign, or to assure that Sovereign of your cordial support in maintaining the contest. That manly, that truly loyal and patriotic part was left to be acted by Mr. Pitt, Mr. Windham, and by all those noblemen and gentlemen of the new opposition, in both Houses, whom you have since had the modesty to represent as endeavouring to create despondency, and to embarrass the operations of government. You did not even give a silent vote in support of the address, and yet you had not the courage to remain and vote with Messrs. Fox and Grey, whose conduct I regard as fair and honourable, though their principles and their arguments were such as I could not approve of. From this time to the close of the session you took no part in the debates. All the great ques

tions relative to taxes, and to the defence of the country, were suffered to pass over without the sound of your voice being heard in the House. Once or twice, indeed, you called somebody to order; and, in answer to what Mr. Calcraft said respecting a ballot for general service, you made a saving remark on that inexhaustible and most convenient topic, the British Constitution. You also said a few words in favour of a council of war, and voted with Mr. Fox in the division; but, the first time you found Mr. Fox absent, you contradicted what you had before asserted, and what you had voted for. With these few trifling exceptions, you were as mute as a fish, from the day war was declared to the 4th of August, that is to say, during seven of the most momentous weeks ever known to the British Parliament. But, when all the tax-bills had been got over; when all the measures of defence had been discussed and agreed on; when men and money had been provided; when the nation had been awakened to a due sense of its danger, and when its spirit had been rouzed by the eloquence and the indefatigable exertions of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Windham, then, behold, you came swaggering, like Falstaff with Hotspur upon his back; then you came with your reproaches against those, who talked of danger, and with your vote of thanks to those brave heroes, the members of volunteer corps, who, you had the sagacity to perceive, would soon compose a large majority of all the busy, officious, and noisy men in the country. For this memorable occasion it was, that you reserved the grand exhibition of your true English feeling; this was the bonne bouche of the

piece; the session was just closing, the curtain was just going to drop, and your scheme was to send off the audience deeply impressed with your merits. But, till after the prorogation of Parliament, the full extent of your views, in bringing forward the Vote of thanks, was not perceived. Your ostentatious visit to the St. James's and other Volunteer Corps; your being brought forward in the front of those corps, while under arms; the industrious circulation of the speech of Rolla, in all manner of forms, with your name at the head and foot of it; all this appeared so disgusting that one could hardly conceive how you could give into it, till it was, last week announced, that Drury Lane Theatre was to open with Pizarro, at the performance of which the members of all the Volunteer Corps were expected to attend! It was stated, in a circular puff, that this most patriotic play was from the hand of Mr. Sheridan, that to • Mr. Sheridan it was whom the Volunteer "Corps were indebted for the tharks voted them by the House of Commons, and that, therefore, it was hoped, that the playhouse would be crowded with Volun'teers !!!' "If," as Mr. Windham observed, "the ministers were susceptible of "shame, shame would have killed them "long ago;" on them, therefore, I shall not call to blush; but, what must be the reЯection of every member of the House of Commons, upon reading this puff? If Mr. Whitbread had moved for the Vote of Thanks, and if, by way of return, the Volunteers had been publicly solicited to drink no beer but that of his brewing, what would have been, nay, what must have been the conclusion? And yet, it would be very dif ficult to find any difference in the two cases. What, therefore, again I ask, what must be the reflection of every honourable member of the House of Commons, upon reading this bare-faced, this most impudent puff? What must be his reflection upon finding, that the vote which Lord Hawkes. bury wished to see recorded as the pride and the example of posterity, is made use of for the purpose of filling the deserted benches of a theatre; played off upon the public as a compensation for the want of new scenery and of theatrical talent! Say not, Sir, that this is prying into your private concerns. Your eulogists have rendered your theatre, in relation to this subject, a public concern. They bave connected your play-house perfor nances with your parlian entary proceedings, and have made the latter a ground for giving encouragement to the former; and this has been done

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86

My brave Associates-Partners of my "Toil, my Feelings, and my Fame - Can "Words add Vigour to the VIRTUOUS "ENERGIES which inspire your hearts? -No-YOU have judged as I have, "the Foulness of the crafty Plea by which "these bold INVADERS would delude you-Your generous Spirit has compared, as mine has, the Motives which, "in a War like this, can animate their Minds, and OURS.-THEY, by a strange Frenzy driven, fight for Power, for "Plunder, and extended Rule-wɛ, for our Country, our Altars, and our "Homes.-THEY follow an ADVEN "TURER, whom they fear-and obey 66 a Power which they bate-WE serve "a Monarch whom we love--a Gon "whom we adore. Whene'er they move "in Anger, Desolation tracks their Pro"gress!-Where'er they pause in Amity, "Affliction mourns their Friendship!-They "boast, they come but to improve our "State, enlarge our Thoughts, and free us "from the Yoke of Error!-Yes--they will "give enlightened Freedom to our Minds, "who are themselves the Slaves of Passion, "Avarice, and Pride. They offer us their "Protection-Yes, such Protection as Vul"tures give to Lambs-covering and de

66

vouring them!-They call on us to bar"ter all of Good we have inherited and "proved, for the desperate Chance of "Something better which they promise."Be our plain Answer this: The Throne we honour is the People's Choice-the "Laws we reverence are our brave Fathers'

Legacy-the Faith we follow teaches us "to live in Bonds of Charity with all Man"kind, and die with Hope of Bliss beyond "the Grave. Tell your Invaders this; and "tell them too, we seek no Change; and, "least of all, such Change as they would "bring us."

"R. B. SHERIDAN." --This speech, thus decked off with all