threaten to plunge the World once more into the disorders and misfortunes of revolutions.

And although fully persuaded that all France, rallying around its legitimate sovereign, will strive unceasingly to bring to naught this last attempt of a criminal and impotent madman, all the Soverigns of Europe, animated by the same feeling and guided by the same principles, declare that if, contrary to all expectation, there shall result from that event any real danger, they will be ready to give to the King of France and the French Nation or to any government which shall be attacked, as soon as shall be required, all the assistance necessary to re-establish the public tranquility, and to make common cause against all who may attempt to compromise it.

The present Declaration, inserted in the protocol of the Congress assembled at Vienna, March 13, 1815, shall be made public.

97. Treaty of Alliance against Napoleon.

March 25, 1815. De Clercy, Traites, II, 474-476.

This treaty was framed for the purpose of giving effect to the declaration of March 13 (see No. 96). It shows the strength, purpose and general character of the alliance against which Napoleon had to contend.

REFERENCES. Fournier, Napoleon, 698-699; Rose, Napoleon, II, 412; Lavisse and Rambaud, Histoire Generale, IX, 922, X, 47-49.

In the Name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity. His Majesty the King of Prussia and His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, having taken into consideration the result which the invasion of France by Napoleon Bonaparte and the present situation of that Kingdom may have for the security of Europe, have resolved of one accord with His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and of Bohemia, to apply to that important circumstance the principles consecrated by the Treaty of Chaumont. In consequence, they have agreed to renew by a sol

emn Treaty, signed separately by each of the four powers with each of the other three, the engagement to preserve against every attack the order of things so happily re-established in Europe and to determine the most effective means to put this engagement into execution, as well as to give it all the extension which, under the present circumstances, it imperatively requires.

I. The above named High Contracting Parties solemnly agree to unite the means of their respective States, in order to maintain in all their integrity the conditions of the Treaty of Peace concluded at Paris on May 30, 1814, as well as the stipulations agreed to and signed at the Congress of Vienna with the purpose of completing the dispositions of that Treaty and of guaranteeing them against every attack and particularly against the designs of Napoleon Buonaparte. For that purpose if the case should demand it and in the sense of the Declaration of March 13 last, they agree to direct in concert and in common accord all their efforts against him and against all who may have already rallied to his faction or who may unite with it hereafter, in order to force them to desist from that project and to render them unable to disturb in the future the tranquility of Europe and the general peace, under the protection of which the rights, the liberty and the independence of the nations have just come to be placed and assured.

2. Although so great and so beneficent an aim does not permit the means destined for its attainment to be measured, and although the High Contracting Parties have resolved to consecrate to it all those of which, according to their respective situations, they can dispose, they have each agreed to keep constantly in the field an hundred fifty thousand men complete, including at least the proportion of one-tenth of cavalry and a just proportion of artillery, without counting garrisons, and to employ them actively and in concert against the common enemy.

3. The High Contracting Parties reciprocally agree not to lay aside their arms except by a common accord and not until the object of the war designated in article 1 of the present Treaty has been attained, and not until Buonaparte

shall have been put absolutely beyond the possibility of exciting disturbances and of renewing his attempts to seize upon the supreme power in France.

4. The present Treaty being principally applicable to the present circumstances, the stipulations of the Treaty of Chaumont, and especially those contained in article 14, shall again. have all their force and vigor as soon as the present purpose shall have been attained.

7.

The engagements stipulated in the present Treaty having for their purpose the maintenance of the general peace, the High Contracting Parties agree among themselves to invite all the Powers of Europe to accede to it.

8. The present Treaty being solely intended for the purpose of supporting France or any other invaded country against the enterprises of Buonaparte and his adherents, His Most Christian Majesty shall be specially invited to give his adherence to it and to make known, for the case in which the forces stipulated in article 2 should be required, what assistance circumstances will permit him to bring to the object of the present Treaty.

Separate, Additional and Secret Article.

As circumstances may prevent His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from keeping constantly in the field the number of troops specified in article 2, it is agreed that His Britannic Majesty shall have the right either to furnish his contingent or to pay at the rate of thirty pounds sterling per annum for each infantryman, to the extent of the number stipulated in article 2.

98. The Act Additional.

April 22, 1815. Duvergier, Lois, XIX, 403-410.

Upon returning to France Napoleon promised that political liberty should be secured. This document was promulgated in consequence of that promise. It was in the main the work of Benjamin Constant, a liberal and former opponent of the Empire.

It

should be compared with the constitutions of the Empire which it supplemented and modified (see Nos. 58, 66 E, 71) and the Constitutional Charter which it replaced (No. 93). As with the preceding imperial constitutions, it was submitted to popular vote. The interest in it, however, was slight. It was never actually put into operation.

REFERENCES. Fyffe, Modern Europe, II, 42-45 (Popular ed., 395-397); Fournier, Napoleon, 702-705; Rose, Napoleon, II, 414415; Sloane, Napoleon, IV, 167-168; Lavisse and Rambaud, Histoire Generale, IX, 919-921.

Napoleon, by the grace of God and the constitutions, Emperor of the French. Since we were called fifteen years ago by the will of France to the government of the State we have sought at different times to improve the constitutional forms, according to the needs and desires of the nation and by profiting from the lessons of experience. The constitutions of the Empire have thus been formed by a series of acts which have received the acceptance of the people. We had then for our aim to organize a great European federative system, which we had adopted as in conformity with the spirit of the age and favorable to the progress of civilization. In order to bring it to completion and to give to it all the extent and all the stability of which it was susceptible, we had postponed the establishment of several internal institutions, more especially designed to protect the liberty of the citizens. Our aim henceforth is nothing else than to increase the prosperity of France by strengthening public liberty. From this results the necessity of several important alterations in the constitutions, senatus-consulta, and other acts which govern the Empire.

For these reasons, wishing, on the one hand, to retain from the past whatever is good and salutary, and, on the other, to make the constitutions of our Empire entirely conformable to the national wishes and needs, as well as to the state of peace which we shall desire to maintain with Europe, we have resolved to propose to the people a series of provisions tending to alter and improve these constitutional acts, to surround the rights of citizens with all their guarantees, to give to the representative system its full extent, to invest the intermediary bodies with desirable importance and power; in a word, to combine the highest point of political liberty and individual security with the strength and centralization necessary to

make the independence of the French people and the dignity of our crown respected by foreigners. In consequence, the following articles, forming an act supplementary to the constitutions of the Empire, shall be submitted for the free and solemn acceptance of all citizens throughout the whole extent of France.

I.

TITLE I. GENERAL PROVISIONS.

The constitutions of the Empire, particularly the constitutional act of 22 Frimaire, Year VIII, the senatus-consulta of 14 and 16 Thermidor, Year X, and that of 28 Floréal, Year XII, shall be altered by the following provisions. All of their other provisions are confirmed and maintained.

2. The legislative power is exercised by the Emperor and by two Chambers.

3. The first Chamber, called Chamber of Peers, is hereditary.

4. The Emperor appoints its members, who are irremovDie, they and their male descendants in the direct line from eldest to eldest. The number of peers is unlimited. Adoption does not transmit the dignity of a peer to the one who is the object of it.

Peers take seats at twenty-one years of age, but have a deliberative voice only at twenty-five.

5. The Chamber of Peers is presided over by the Archchancellor of the Empire, or, in the case provided for by article 51 of the senatus-consultum of 28 Floréal, Year XII, by one of the members of that Chamber especially designated by the Emperor.

6. The members of the imperial family within the order of succession are peers by right. They sit behind the president. They take seats at eighteen years of age, but have a deliberative voice only at twenty-one years.

7. The second Chamber, called Chamber of Representatives, is elected by the people.

8. The members of this Chamber are in number six hundred and twenty-nine. They must be at least twenty-five years

of age.

9. The President of the Chamber of Representatives is appointed by the Chamber at the opening of the first session.