No statement could be more unfounded and injurious than the assertion that the Mother Country wishes to get rid of us. It is true that neither in the Lords nor Commons of England, whose action on this question has been so severely criticised by my hon. friend, was any attempt made to change the measure as arranged between the representatives of these provinces and the British Government; but it is well known that no colonial question ever received more respectful attention at the hands of the statesmen, of the Parliament, and the Press of England than was bestowed upon this question of Confederation from the time that it was first brought under their notice until its final consummation. The effect of a settled and permanent condition of public affairs upon capital is well known, and while I feel confident that agitation will be utterly bootless of any result, it will, in the meantime, largely prevent the introduction, especially in Nova Scotia, of the population, capital, and skill that would otherwise immediately flow in to develop the resources and enrich that section of the union. I appeal to my hon. friend whether it is patriotic to inflict such injury upon his country?

Having made these explanations, I feel it would not be right at this late hour to trespass on the indulgence of the House, or I would read a few elegant extracts from the vigorous pen and eloquent tongue of my hon. friend to show how much more able and eloquent he was when advocating the union of these provinces than since he has adopted the unworthy policy of endeavouring to belittle and depreciate his own country.

I will now briefly notice a few of the criticisms which my hon. friend offered this evening. He complains that the salary assigned to the Governor-General is ten thousand pounds sterling. I think, if we contrast the salary formerly given to that high officer before the great step which the union of the Maritime Provinces has given to the former colony of Canada, the amount will not be found dispropor

tionate. It must be remembered that this officer is the connecting link with the Crown and the representative of Her Majesty in this important part of the Empire, and that we could hardly expect to obtain the services of the leading statesmen of England at any smaller amount. My hon. friend complains of the number of departments in the Government. It was no doubt necessary in making provision for the proper representation of the different sections of the Confederation to have the thirteen departments, but I would suggest respectfully to the Hon. Minister of Justice whether, in the present peculiar position of Nova Scotia, the able and indefatigable Minister of State for Canada might not be charged with the additional duty of the Secretary of State for the Provinces. The vacancy created by the resignation of the Hon. Minister of Finance might in the same way lead to the consolidation of that department with those of the able and experienced Ministers of Customs and Excise. I am well assured that Her Majesty's Government will give these questions the most careful consideration, well knowing that nothing will give greater confidence to the country than a judicious economy in the administration of public affairs.

My hon. friend now represents our position as utterly defenceless, and treats with ridicule the proposal to arm the militia; yet he ought not to forget the following passage of his speech in our Legislature so long ago as 1854

How often have we heard that our Republican neighbours were going to overrun the provinces! They have attempted it once or twice, but have always been beaten out; and I do not hesitate to say that the British Americans over whom the old flag flies are able to defend every inch of their territory, even though Her Majesty's troops were withdrawn.

"Taking our population at two millions and a half (it is now nearer four millions), every fifth person should be able to draw a trigger, giving 500,000 men capable of bearing arms. Such a force would be powerless as an

invading army, but in defence of these provinces, invincible by any force that could be sent from abroad.”

The opinions of the hon. member would also appear to have undergone material change since 1863, when, in moving a vote of thanks at Halifax to the Hon. Mr. McGee for his eloquent advocacy of a union of the colonies, he thus urged its great importance on the ground of defence :

"He thought a union should not be delayed till we had drifted into difficulties. How shortsighted were the English statesmen of old who lost them the thirteen States when the difficulty could have been arranged in a month, the horrors of the revolutionary war prevented, and all our race living at peace and harmony at present without the bickering and animosity which prevail in their midst. Talk of the fall of Quebec being a source of sorrow to the inhabitants of this province! It would be more. If the St. Lawrence were in the hands of our enemies we should be compelled to beg permission to tear down the British flag. What he wished for Nova Scotia was that she may be the frontage of a mighty colony upon which may be truly said the sun never sets. No man can look upon Halifax and its environs, its harbour, its citadel, and say it was made for this province alone.

it

"The United States have drifted into a civil war; and we may drift into a tight place from which it may be difficult to extricate ourselves. The States may assail us; but if we had a railway by which troops could be sent from Quebec or other military stations to the threatened point, we would be saved."

I trust, Sir, that now that we have the moral strength arising from the union of these provinces and the assurance of support in any emergency from the Imperial Government, it will not be found necessary to burden our people with any oppressive taxation for defence; but my hon. friend should remember that when he was opposing this union of the colonies he presented a counter scheme for the defence of this country, under which all British America

would be compelled to pay into the Imperial Treasury for the support of the army and navy of England. This enormous taxation, far exceeding anything that we can be called upon here to contribute, was to be disbursed, under my hon. friend's scheme, by a Parliament in which Nova Scotia was to have two representatives and Canada four or five. My hon. friend, who has inspired such dread in the back settlements of Nova Scotia that the young men would be drafted to protect the helpless people of Ontario and Quebec, proposed to the British Government that in addition to this heavy taxation we should contribute our quota of the army required in any war in which Great Britain might be engaged.

In complaining of the mode in which the union measure passed the House of Commons, it was stated that the Commons was influenced by an inaccurate statement made by an hon. member of that body. As this refers to Mr. Watkin's remark that Confederation was made an issue at the polls at the last election, I am glad to have an opportunity to make an explanation. When Mr. Bright asserted that this question of union had not been before the people in Nova Scotia, Mr. Watkin left his seat and came over to the part of the House where I was sitting, near the Hon. Mr. Galt, who remembers well the circumstances. Mr. Watkin said: "Dear Tupper, I wish to speak to you," and I went with him some distance to the side of the room. He then said: "What is your answer to Mr. Bright's statement that this question has never been before the people?" I said: "The answer is this. In 1861 Mr. Howe, when leader of the Government, moved a resolution in favour of the union of the provinces which passed the Assembly unanimously. That previously to the last general election I had publicly advocated such a union as has now been agreed upon, and that I was brought into power, and this measure had been carried by a large majority of the present Parliament. Mr. Watkin, knowing that this question was now one of controversy, supposed that it had

been made an issue at the polls, as would undoubtedly have been the case only that we were all unanimous upon the question at that time. I turned to Mr. Galt during Mr. Watkin's speech and remarked how difficult it was to make parties understand when they were not familiar with the history of a question. Had I wished to mislead Mr. Watkin I would not have dared to do so, as I had placed in his hands a published history of the whole question in Nova Scotia. This House will, I am sure, exonerate Mr. Watkin from any intentional misrepresentation.

My hon. friend takes particular exception to that portion of the speech which indicates a desire for western extension. This is the more remarkable in connection with the great importance which he attaches, and justly, to immigration as the great means of rendering the country strong and prosperous. With 60,000 square miles of fertile soil in the Red River and Saskatchewan country to invite the immigrant and increase our population, this question of western extension becomes one of the greatest importance; but I will give you the forcible and eloquent observations of my hon. friend upon this subject as much more conclusive and instructing than anything I can afford.

"The Hudson's Bay territory includes 250,000 miles. Throwing aside the more bleak and inhospitable regions, we have a magnificent country between Canada and the Pacific, out of which five or six noble provinces may be formed larger than any we have, and presenting to the hand of industry and to the eye of speculation every variety of soil, climate, and resource. With such a territory as this to overrun, organise, and improve, think you that we shall stop even at the western bounds of Canada? Or even at the shore of the Pacific? Vancouver Island, with its vast coal measures, lies beyond. The beautiful islands of the Pacific and the growing commerce of the ocean are beyond. Populous China and the rich East are beyond; and the sails of our children's children will reflect as familiarly the sunbeams of the south as they now brave