exclude it, nor render it indispensable. But Lord Brougham said, he was one of those, who thought that the enactment should contain, in positive and express terms, a direction, that in all schools, founded, extended or improved under its provisions, the scriptures, and the whole scriptures should be read; accompanied of course, with the proviso that the children of Roman Catholics and Jews should not be required to attend upon such occasions.

There would be undoubtedly great difficulty in executing many of the details of this great measure. But we cannot forbear saying, that it seems to have been conceived in a fair and enlightened spirit, and that its general outline exhibits many excellent features. And it was some testimony of the effect produced by the learned Lord's address, that the Earl of Winchelsea should have declared, that, it contained many sentiments in which he heartily concurred.

The bill was read a first time, but did not again come under the consideration of Parliament during the session.

In the House of Commons on the 30th of November, Mr. Slaney in a speech full of detail, moved for, and obtained, a select committee to enquire into the condition of the labouring classes, with a view to devising some means of national education.

At a more advanced period of the session, (June 14th), Mr. Wyse, in a very thin House, moved an address to the Queen, that she would be graciously pleased to appoint a board of commissioners with a view to the wise, equitable, and efficient application of sums granted, or to be granted, for the advancement of education. The

hon. Gentleman, after entering into a good deal of statistical information, and contrasting the state of education in England with the advance it was making elsewhere, proceeded to disclose his own scheme to the House. It consisted in the establishment of a central board of. education, so constituted as to resi present, in fair proportions, the different parties in the country, and which should exercise a general superintendance and controul over a system of local boards to be established in all parts of the kingdom.

The motion was seconded by Mr. Hume, who in his speech referred to two documents as bearing strongly on the subject. The first of these was a report made by the grand jury at the late Durham as sizes, in which they expressed their deep regret at the want of instruction amongst the people. The second imported to be an address from a society of working men in the metropolis, who, in their hum-ble station, were endeavouring to impart to others the advantages of education.

Mr. Colquhoun objected to Mr. Wyse's system as aiming at an amalgamation of different religious sects. In that case, he said, it would be necessary to exclude religious instruction altogether; such a scheme would neither find favour with the people of England, nor produce the desired effect of raising the moral condition of the poor. The hon. Gentleman then proceeded to assert the superiority of the schools established under the auspices of the "National Society," to those which were founded on "the liberal" system. The former embraced 500,000 children, while the latter, in many populous places, could scarcely be kept together.

Mr. Slaney remarked, that in Liverpool, Manchester, Salford, Bury, and Oldham, containing a working population of 841,000 people, the number of children sent to school did not exceed 27,000, giving only a proportion of one educated person in thirty-one. It had been calculated that in Manchester 14,000l. was contributed by the working class for the imperfect education of 17,000 children; and that an additional 4,000l. would, if properly applied, ensure the best education to 25,000.

Mr. Clay stated, that in the parish of Bethnal Green, the population of which was 62,000,, there were 14,000 children between the ages of five and fourteen, of whom not more than 2,000 were receiving education of any description.

Lord John Russell explained the course which had been pursued by the Government in distributing the funds voted by Parliament for educational purposes. It had been contended that the grant should have been equally divided betwen the church and the dissenters. The Treasury, however, had deemed it to be their duty to apportion the money, at their disposal in the mode most likely to obtain the greatest quantity of education. They had accordingly been guided in their expenditure by a reference to the amount of voluntary subscriptions already existing in each particular quarter, where the assistance of Government was solicited. It was obvious, for instance, that if there were 5000l. to be disposed of, for which two sets of claimants presented themselves, the one class having already 10,000l. in hand applicable to the same purpose, and the other having only 5,000l.; the better policy would be to give the money to the former. After

giving some details, to show how the annual pittance of about 20,000l., voted by Parliament for national education, had been disposed of, the noble Lord proceeded to say, that while he deplored the deficiency of education in the country, he was not prepared to propose any plan for an efficient interference on the part of Parliament. Such a difference of opinion at present existed amongst the various parties concerned in public education, that it appeared to him to be premature to endeavour to carry into effect any uniform system. In commenting on some of the current methods of instruction, Lord John took occasion to declare his preference for the system adopted by "the British and Foreign Society," which, while it involved a religious education, admitted of no particular catechism, and indicated no exclusive form of worship. The "National Society," on the other hand, prescribed the adoption of the church catechism, and required attendance at church on Sundays. A third mode had been proposed, which excluded all religious instruction whatever. Of this, however plausible, Lord John said that he could not bring himself to approve, because, in the first place, he was convinced that it would never meet with the general assent of the people of this country; and, in the next, that it would fail to implant in the minds of the children that moral and religious culture which was necessary to form good members of society.

The noble Lord added, that there was one point connected with the subject, which was entitled to great attention; he alluded to the necessity of providing a sufficient supply of teachers for the schools

of the people, and of taking means for raising their condition and bettering their prospects. In the course of the debate, the Chancel. lor of the Exchequer expressed his objection to the mode in which both the British, as well as the National Society conducted their affairs. For the last two years, Government had offered to co-operate in the establishment of normal schools for the instruction of masters, yet neither society had come forward to accept those pro

posals. The two associations, however, were gradually approximating, and he believed, that the great mass of dissenters would have no objection to consolidate their schools with those of the established church, provided that the church catechism were taught only on Sundays.

After some remarks from Dr. Lushington, the House divided.Ayes 70; noes 74; majority against the motion 4.

history, for the purpose of reverting to the affairs of the Canadian provinces. Our earlier chapters have acquainted the reader with the main details of the insurrection, and its suppression, together with the appointment of the Earl of Durham to the dictatorial powers supposed to be communicated by the act for making temporory provision for the government of Lower Canada. The issue of that nobleman's mission remains to be recorded. But before we proceed to that part of the subject, it is our purpose to lay before the reader a summary of the circumstances which led to Sir Francis Head's recall from the government of the Upper Province. An event already mentioned, but the precise grounds of which were imperfectly understood, until Sir Francis himself, in a recent publication, disclosed them to the world.*

At the period when Sir Francis

There is, perhaps, something a little characteristic of the whole of these transactions, in Sir Francis Head's own account of the circumstances under which his sudden elevation to the Go. vernment of Lower Canada was brought to pass. "It had blown almost a hurricane from the S. S. W.-the sheep in Romney Marsh had huddled together in groups-the cattle, afraid to feed, were still standing with their tails to the storm-I had been all day immured in New Romney, with the Board of Guardians of the Marsh Union; and though several times my horse had been nearly blown off the road, I had managed to return to my lodgings at Cranbrook, and with my head full of unions, parishes, magistrates, guardians, relieving officers, and paupers of the county of Kent, I had retired to rest, and for several hours had been fast asleep, when, about midnight, I was suddenly awakened by the servant of my lodging, who, with a letter in one hand, and in the

received the reins of government,

son who thought Mr. Lyon Mackenzie "a distinguished man." This individual, it appears, had

other a tallow candle illumining an bonest countenance, not altogether free from alarm, hurriedly informed me, that a king's officer had come after me.'

"What could possibly be the matter in the workhouse of this busy world, I could not clearly conceive; however, sitting up in my bed, I opened the letter, which, to my utter astonishment, was from the Secretary of State for the colonies, expressing a wish that I should accept the Government of Upper Canada, and that, if possible, I would call ing morning, as, at nine, he was to set upon him at half-past eight the followout for Brighton to see the king." Sir Francis Head's popularity as a writer, is mainly assignable to his lively perception of the ridiculous, and certainly the singularity of his own appointment was not thrown away upon him in this light, as the above extract sufficiently shows. What the opinion of the public upon the subject may reasonably have been when his appointment was announced, will appear from the following passage, proceeding from a very friendly and even partial quarter. "Sir Francis Head was a half-pay major in the army, known to the public chiefly by two lively works-the "Rough Notes of a ride over the Pampas," and "The Bubbles from the Nassau Brunnen, by an old man"-for so it pleased the vigourous humourist to describe himself; very clever little books both of them, as our readers know, but certainly afford. ing no promise of that kind of talent which would have been a priori selected for such a duty as the Government of Upper Canada had then become. And let it be recollected that the half-pay Major from Romney Marsh was thus selected to fill the place from which Lieutenant-General Sir John Colborne, G.C.B. now Governor-General of all her Majesty's North American dominions, had been recalled."

Quarterly Review, cxxvi.