spection. Compared with the conduct which we are now called on to contemplate, the most vacillating and imbecile, the most inconsistent and impotent rulers rise into some station commanding respect. King John, or Richard Cromwell himself, become wise, politic and vigorous princes."

"It would, indeed," continued the noble and learned Lord, "seem, that just about this time some wonderful change had come over the minds of the ministers, depriving them of their memory, and lulling even their senses to repose. Could this have arisen from the deep grief into which my noble friend and his colleagues were known to have been plunged by the decease of their kind and generous master? No doubt that feeling must have had its day-or its hour-but it is not in the nature of grief to endure for ever. Then how came it to pass that the trance continued? Oh, doubtless its pleasing endurance must have been caused by the elevation of their late master's illus trious successor, prolonging the suspension of the faculties which grief had brought on, but changing it into that state inexpressibly delicious, which was directed to the circumstances, so interesting, of the new reign." After this outburst of metaphor, the noble and learned Lord went on warmly to advocate the cause of the Canadians, expressed his desire to see an amicable separation, and protested against coercive measures. He took the same view of the proposed ' representative' convention, that had been put forward by Sir Robert Peel, contending that it must either be composed of men exactly similar to those who constituted the majority of the Assembly; or that, if a semblance of consulting

the people was all they meant to give-if under pretence of calling them to their aid, they excluded the men of the people's choice, and only took counsel of creatures of their own, such an intolerable mockery would avail them nothing.

Lord Melbourne spoke of Lord Brougham, as having "poured forth a most laboured and extreme concentration of bitterness." Having made some comments on that part of the argument which related to the despatches, he came to the point, which he admitted to be the most pressing in the whole case, viz.; that it was the duty of ministers to have provided against the possibility of an outbreak, by increasing the military force of the colony. It certainly was a difficult question which they had, at the time, to decide. By not reinforcing the troops they ran the hazard of what had in fact occurred; but on the other hand, had a considerable force been sent out, there would have been an end to all chance of an amicable termination of the disputes; it would have been instantly said, that we were filling Canada with troops, and thus manifesting a fixed intention of putting down public opinion by main force. "My Lords," said his Lordship, "I have fairly stated both sides of the question, and there is no point in the case which imposed upon me a greater difficulty than this intricate question. intricate question. We decided according to the best of our judgment; and I do most sincerely trust that no irreparable mischief is likely to occur from the determination we came to."

The Duke of Wellington took the objection of form, which Sir R. Peel had pressed in the other house, and thought that the pro-. ceedings should have originated in

a message from the throne. His Grace proceeded to state that he was almost the only individual, who, in 1831, voted against the bill for surrendering unconditionally the duties of 1774. His opinion then was, that the bill ought to have contained a clause providing for its repeal in case provision were not made by the House of Assembly for granting the civil list, and for the maintenance of the civil government, and he now believed, that the omission of such a clause was the cause of all that had happened, from that time to the present. With respect to the military force, the Duke observed, that he must do ministers the justice to say, that he could not blame them for not having taken more active measures; for he happened to know several persons, particularly officers, well acquainted with these provinces, and who had been concerned in their government, and he might safely assert, in his place in parliament, that he had received the opinions of those officers, that there was not, in the preceding summer, the smallest reason to apprehend anything like insurrec tion in Lower Canada. But at the same time, he was bound to say, that he could not understand why, when ministers had found it expedient to move troops from Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick into Canada, they did not despatch fresh troops to supply the vacancy thereby occasioned.

It was admitted by Lord Ripon, the next speaker, and who was the author of the bill of 1831, that the Duke of Wellington had, when that measure was proposed, predicted, that the legislature of Lower Canada would readily accept the boon, but would withhold a civil list. That prediction had

been fulfilled; and he would confess that, on that occasion, he (Lord Ripon) had acted more or less under the influence of an imprudent confidence. That confidence had been betrayed by the House of Assembly in Lower Canada. Not that he could assert, that, in so many words, they had made a pledge, but taking men's meaning as to the course they would pursue from the language they used, no man of honour and honesty, after reading the resolutions and addresses adopted by the House of Assembly from time to time, could doubt that they did lead Government to believe that, when once in possession of the royal revenues, they would provide for a civil list. How had Upper Canada acted? At that monient, that province was in the enjoyment of its share of the royal revenues, and the governor, the secretaries, and the judges, of the colony, were in the enjoyment of an income quite independent of the annual vote of the House of Assembly. With respect to the conduct of Government, he felt obliged to condemn it; he thought that they had neglected to take proper precautions, in not having on the spot a military force sufficient at once to crush any rebellion.

The Marquess of Lansdowne applauded the candid terms in which the Duke of Wellington, in a way which did him infinite honour, and in the spirit in which he was always desirous to give efficient support to government in such emergencies, had expressed his opinion on the military part of the question. He remarked, that Lord Brougham had not once, in the course of his three-hour speech, adverted to what constituted the gist of the matter-namely, that

all the early demands of the House of Assembly had been conceded, and that it was now under the influence of a party, who had since raised the most unreasonable claims.

The Earl of Durham said, that it was impossible for words to express the reluctance with which he had undertaken the arduous task, and incurred the awful responsibility, which he knew must await him in his endeavours to execute the objects of his mission. Nothing but the most determined devotion to her Majesty's service, and the welfare of his country, could have induced him to place himself in a situation, in which he much feared he should not answer either the expectation of his friends or of the nation. He believed, that it would be his duty, in the first place, to assert the supremacy of her Majesty's government, and to see that the law was carried into execution. Having effected that essentially preliminary object, he should consider, without reference to party, British or French (indeed, he knew no French), that he ought to extend protection to all, to give justice to all, and to shield as much the local rights of the proprietors of the soil, as the great commercial interests, which more affected those who were called the British settlers. He should not proceed to Canada for the purpose of suspending the constitution, as had been said, but to provide for the extraordinary state of things which had been produced by those whose rebellious acts had made the operation of the constitution impossible. Great and dictatorial as the powers were, with which he was invested, he should be anxious to lay them down at the earliest possible time. He should endeavor to execute, as

speedily as possible, this highly honourable, but most difficult and dangerous mission. As far as regarded the principal province, it would be his wish to effect such a kind of settlement, as should produce contentment and harmony amongst all classes, and to leave behind him such a system of government as might tend to the general prosperity of one of the most important portions of her Majesty's dominions. Could he accomplish such an object, he should deem no personal sacrifice too great. "I feel, however," continued the Earl, with an apparent foreboding of what was to ensue, "that I can only accomplish it by the cordial and energetic support, a support which I am sure I shall obtain, of my noble friends, the members of her Majesty's cabinet; by the co-operation of the Imperial Parliament; and, permit me to say, by the generous forbearance of the noble lords opopposite, to whom I have always been politically opposed. From the candour and generosity which have distinguished the noble duke's remarks this evening, as well as upon other occasions, I trust that he, and those who think with him, will give me credit for the good intentions which I feel, and will only condemn me, if they find my actions such as shall enable them, consistently with their own character, to find fault."

Lord Glenelg rose to bring the debate to a close. The fierce denunciations of Lord Brougham seemed to have communicated to his eloquence an asperity akin to that of the philippic which provoked his resentment. Certain it is, that Lord Glenelg, on this occasion, expressed himself with unusual impetuosity, and, by his passionate

retaliation, bore testimony to the chastisement which had been inflicted. Lord Brougham, with his usual eccentricity, had no sooner concluded one of the most vituperative speeches ever delivered within the walls of Parliament, than he left the house; depriving his antagonists, to a certain extent, of the opportunity of reply, since, of course, whatever they said, either by way of argument or retort, would lose half its effect in his absence.* Lord Glenelg com

It is due, however, toLord Brougham to say, that, on a subsequent evening, in explanation of this discourtesy, he stated, among other less valid excuses, that, on the evening in question, “he

plained of this, " as he would have been glad to have returned his thanks for this the first testimony of his friendship with which he had favoured him." His Lordship then rather happily availed himself of the contrast afforded by the conduct of the Duke of Wellington, when placed in juxta-position with that of the noble and learned lord; and commented, in eloquent terms, on the duke's candour and magnanimity.

The address was then agreed to.

was only partially and slowly recovering from a severe indisposition; and had been desired, in this weather, not to expose himself at night."