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tion, and, if allowed in practice, it must lead to interminable confusion.

Perhaps, however, a better argument was derived by Mr. Gladstone, from the inconvenience that must ariseupon the recognition of an agent representing but one branch of the legislature, since a similar privilege could not be refused to the other, and thus the colonial office would be distracted by the competition of co-ordinate and conflicting pretensions.

Lord John Russell, on the other hand, was of opinion, that to hear Mr. Roebuck in his individual character, would be a precedent leading to worse consequences than the other deprecated by Mr. Gladstone. It would open the way for any private person hereafter to say, "I take great interest in the affairs of a certain colony, or of a certain bill, and therefore I request to be heard at the bar of the House."

Lord Stanley also, though he concurred in the expediency of granting Mr. Roebuck a hearing, was struck with the technical difficulty involved in that concession, but attempted to pacify his scruples by declaring, that he heard him under protest, and by no means as a matter of course. After a few sensible remarks from Sir George Grey, on the inexpediency of wasting any more time in discussing a matter of such subordinate import ance, the motion was acceded to.

On the motion of Lord John Russell, the Lower Canada Sup pression Bill was then read for the second time. After which, Mr. Roebuck proceeded to address the House from the bar. As might be expected, the learned Gentle man's speech, on this occasion, amounted to little more than a

recapitulation of former statements and allegations. In conformity with his usual practice, he confounded present grievances with such as had ceased to exist, and managed, in this manner, to make out a formidable catalogue of complaints. Mr. Roebuck's style of oratory possesses one remarkable characteristic in respect of which he stands almost alone amongst our public speakers. Far from seeking to propitiate his audience, his first care seems to be to select such topics as are most likely to prove generally offensive to its temper and its prejudices; the ground of this peculiarity is probably to be sought in the fact, that his speeches are less addressed to his immediate hearers, than to a circle whom they reach through another channel; but, at any rate, it accounts for their comparative inefficiency in the House of Commons.

We shall be content to select one passage from his vehement harangue." Sir, I am not one of those who have been in the habit of deserting a friend in need. In his most prosperous days, I have thought myself honoured by the friendship of Mr. Papineau; and when I review the political career of that man, raised as he has been to eminence by the sole power of his intellect, without the employment of one single disgraceful proceeding, I look in vain through the whole of that career for one act which deserves reprobation. True it is, that he denounced, in strong language, the conduct of your colonial administration. I myself have equally condemned that administration; and if there be guilt in saying, that Canada has been ill-governed, that her grievances have been left unredressed, that her oppressors are men ever cruel,

and now exasperated, I, Sir, am willing to partake of that guilt. Talk to me of being frightened at being called a traitor; at being told that my life is forfeited; at the newspapers setting forth that I am to be sent to the Tower! Yes; the Government organs, and other portions of the press, have endeavoured to excite the people against me, and to induce them to believe that I and my friends could desire that which England must view as dishonourable. Do you think that I am to he frightened by such petty warfare? If I be guilty, why are there not some who dare accuse me lawfully. My papers have been seized-let them be produced. I have not run away, because I know, that there is a jury in England, who will render justice to the accused."

Mr. Roebuck having withdrawn, the Speaker put the question that the bill be committed, and Mr. Hume moved the postponement of the committal to that day six months.

Sir George Grey opposed Mr. Hume's motion, in a very able speech. After some compliments to Mr. Roebuck's eloquence and ability, he observed, that it was no part of his intention to follow him through the remote periods of Canadian history, or to comment on the grievances which, from year to year, they had heard so well stated by him, when a member of the House. He felt bound, however, to advert to this endeavour, on the part of that gentleman, to make the House believe, that the whole was merely a financial question. This was not a fair representation of the fact-every financial claim had been fully attended to by the Government. The Assembly of Lower Canada had aban

doned the just and constitutional grounds on which they at first stood. By the acts, or rather by the neglect of that body, the constitution was already suspended in effect. The act now proposed was only intended to supply the wants created by the refusal of the Assembly to discharge its functions. It was a temporary measure, rendered necessary by the emergencies of the times; and Sir George Grey said, he entertained a hope, almost amounting to a certainty, that this measure, in the hands of the Earl of Durham, coupled with the general instructions upon other points, which he knew the Earl had received, would effect the object so much desired, that past differences would be buried in oblivion, and that all parties in the colony would concur in establishing a firm, a reasonable, a stable, and a liberal form of government. He trusted, too, that, long before the period limited by this Act, her Majesty in council would be able to avail herself of the powers contained in the bill to shorten its duration, with advantage to all parties, and to call together, under better auspices, the ordinary colonial legislature.

With reference to some remarks of Mr. Roebuck's on the delay which had taken place, in completing the legislative council on the new model. Sir George referred to the papers on the table, as affording sufficient justification of it. It would appear from these that Lord Gosford in June of the preceding year, after the most mature deliberation, had sent home a list of persons, whom he had selected as fit to fill the office, men not pledged to any extreme line of political conduct, and entitled as he thought from their character and

station, as well as from their moderation, to the confidence of the country. But the spirit in which these names were received, afforded no reason for believing, that had the selection been made, the list forwarded, and the persons appointed at an earlier period, a quicker reconciliation between the two branches of the legislature, would have been effected, or any of the evils complained of. Had not the House heard of men, who did not form part of the extreme party in Canada, and who did not go to the full extent of the views of the assembly, being designated as "worse than the most violent of the British party? Was there a disposition to give credit for liberality to any other persons in that colony, than to such as had looked to nothing short of an elective legislative council, and laboured to produce a separation between the colony and Great Britain.”

The hon. Baronet then challenged those who in that house and elsewhere were in the practice of dilating on the excesses committed by her Majesty's troops in the late hostilities, to come forward with some better proofs of their allegations, than were contained in the anonymous paragraphs of the newspapers. Some thing had been said of the selection of the magistrates, deputed to carry into effect the determination of Lord Gosford with respect to state prosecutions. Some information as to the general character of these gentlemen, might be collected from the despatches. In Lord Gosford's despatch of the 22nd of November, 1837, was contained a report from the Attorney and Solicitor-general, respecting the proceedings in the district of Montreal. "Our undivided attention" say

these officers, " has been devoted to the attainment of such evidence as would authorize the arrest of those political incendiaries, to whose machinations the present alarming state of this city and district is to be attributed. Having at length accomplished this important object by the assistance of Messrs. Cuvillier and Penn, two of the magistrates of the district, to whom the depositions and accompanying documents were submitted, together with our opinion, that the charges contained in them amounted to high treason against the parties implicated therein, warrants were issued for their apprehension." Now, Mr. Cuvillier was one of the agents, who, in company with Mr. Neilson, had been deputed to lay the Canadian grievances before the British parliament; nor was there the slightest evidence to prove, that he wished to abandon the principles of liberty, which he had ever advocated, or the improvements in the government for which he had always contended; but conceiving that the leaders of the people were going too far, he felt it his duty to stop short, and notwithstanding his former connexion with the House of Assembly, was now prepared to stand by the government in the suppression of attempts at revolt.

Sir George Grey was followed by Lord Francis Egerton, who expressed his intention, though with real reluctance, to support ministers. That support he gave on the ground of the necessity of the case, without party purpose. He was anxious to inquire whether it was to the recent conduct of ministers, that the present state of affairs was at tributable; were he indeed looking for reasons to think they were in

fault, he should be at no loss to find them in the papers which were on the table. He would illustrate his meaning by one or two passages contained amongst those documents. The first occurred in a correspondence which took place between the noble Secretary of the colonies and Lord Gosford; in this it was professed to account for the delay which on the part of the former had taken place in the legislation promised in the resolutions of March. The noble Secretary said, "that much as he lamented at all times the necessity of harsh and coercive measures, he felt a peculiar reluctance, at the present moment, in adverting to that course, regretting, as he did, that almost the first measure of the present Queen should carry with it an appearance of harshness towards any of her Majesty's subjects."

Lord Francis Egerton affirmed that he knew of no official correspondence presenting a passage so replete with sickly sentimentality as this. The noble Lord proceeded to comment on the circumstances attending the successive recall of the chief governors of the Canadas. With regard to Sir Francis Head, it would appear that some difference of opinion existed, but Lord Francis himself considered that he had conducted the affairs of Upper Canada with peculiar tact. The same might be said of Sir John Colborne, who had nevertheless been recalled why no one knew. That Lord Gosford should desire to return home was natural from all the circumstances, and had he only said, when he tendered his resignation, "The storm is gathering round me, I do not like to remain, relieve me and appoint a successor, nothing could have been more proper. But

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his Lordship assigned no such reasons; "he said "my situation is not an enviable one, and on every private consideration I should be glad to relinquish it; it would be better besides to have some one in my place, who had not avowed his wish to carry on the government on the principle of conciliation." Now, Lord Francis Egerton said, he had always conceived that the most suitable agent in a task of justifiable coercion, was he who had exhausted every means of a conciliatory character.

With respect to the conduct of the Canadians, the noble Lord remarked that the house had been told that few insurrections had, less excuse than the present. He believed there was much truth in this assertion, but, at the same time, he thought that, in one point of view, few insurrections had been more excusable, for none ever received an encouragement like that which had been given by the speeches made in that house. The opinions advocated in those speeches had been such as to convince the misguided people of Canada, who knew little of the real state of feeling here, that however treasonable their conduct might be, they would not fail to meet with much sympathy from a powerful party

among us.

Nor was it surprising

that they should place great reliance on that party seeing the po sition in which it stood; that it existed not in but over the government, and that upon it the government was dependent for its existence. In the late elections the mal-contents saw that the influence of the ministers had been exerted in favour of those who advocated principles, and entertained views in common with their own. Under such circumstances, he could not call down the

penalties of treason upon a people, who had been misled by persons, who were themselves peculiarly favoured by the government.

Mr. Leader was the next to ad dress the house, in reference to Sir George Grey's implied denial of the fact, he insisted that there was good authority for asserting that great severities had been committed by the troops, both at St. Denis and St. Charles. With regard to the discontents in Lower Canada, the whole mischief he said had been laid at the door of the Assembly. Without meaning to detain the house by a defence of their conduct, he must contend that from first to last, they had been exercising a constitutional right solemnly guaranteed to them by this country. If blame then was to be attached to any persons, it should fall on those who gave to the Assembly a power which it seems they were not to use, thus putting into the hands of the Canadian Representation a weapon, for the employment of which in their own defence that house was now about to inflict punishment upon them. The real cause of all the discontent, and of the consequent disturbances, was to be found in the Tory misgovernment of the colony during more than twenty years. It had been asserted that all the grievances of the Canadians had been redressed since the Whigs had come into power. But had the Whigs shown themselves equal to the difficult task of arranging the disputes, and smoothing the asperities caused by the long misgovernment of their predecesssors? To that question there was a sad but significant answerCanada has revolted. Such was the result of a twenty years misgovernment by one party, and a seven

years indecision of the other. The Whigs had in reality done nothing. They promised much; they talked of infusing a liberal spirit into the Legislative Council, they issued a commission to enquire into grievances which were notorious, instead of sending out a governor with power to redress them. Mr. Leader then stated his conviction that a bill of the despotic and coercive character of that before the house would only aggravate matters. At the same time he thought it a fortunate thing for the present ministers, that they had connected themselves with a man like Lord Durham, who enjoyed a reputation for liberal principles, and was not committed to the coercive resolutions of the last year. If any one of all their party could restore peace to Canada he believed he was that person. But he thought it unwise, now that the revolt was at an end, to send out a coercion bill together with a large body of troops, as his precursors in the province, to which he was appointed pacificator

After a few remarks from Mr. E. Rice, in support of the bill, Mr. Pakington said, that he could not accede to the proposed measures, without expressing a hope that the House, in the new arrangement which had been forced upon them, would not be unmindful of the interests of the British settlers in Canada. The number of the British residents had not yet been adverted to. At the period of the outbreak at Toronto, which had been occasioned by the correspondence of the honourable member for Kilkenny, there were, in the upper province, 350,000 inhabitants of British origin, and, in the lower, a population of 600,000; 270,000 of whom were British. The Bri

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