contradicts her Calumnies.

Two wo days after the dis June 15. cussion upon Mr Curwen's bill was finally closed, Sir Francis Burdett, according to his notice, brought forward his plan of parliamentary reform. "I rise," said he," to propose a resolution, the object of which is to hold out an assurance to the country, that the House will, at an early period in the next session, take into its consideration the necessity of a reform in the state of the representation.

"This course I adopt, in order to get rid of the misrepresentations which have been so long and so actively pro. pagated, with regard to my views and opinions on this momentous point: the mischievous tendency of which misrepresentations, as affecting my self personally, would alone have very little influence upon my mind; but it has much, combined with the public interest. I therefore feel it a du

ty to myself and the public to relieve this subject from all misrepresentation, ambiguity, and misconception: and to state to this House, and to the public, definitely and precisely, what my views are upon the subject of parliamentary reform, that hence

forward it may be fully and clearly understood how far I do really mean to go, and at what point I mean to stop.

"The remedy which I propose is simple, and perfectly practicable; it is consistent with the habits and interests of the people, and in unison with the laws and constitution of the country; it is the Constitution itself.

Let others deal in whimsical speculations, in undefined mysterious notions of a constitution, which eludes the grasp, and soars above the conception of ordinary minds, let them amuse themselves with intricate theories and fine-spun metaphysics, I shall hold fast by that plain and substantial constitution, adapted to the contemplation of common understandings, to be found in the Statute Book, aud recognized by the Common Law of the Land.

"But I am not disposed to be satisfied with the forms, when the spirit and essence of the constitution have fled. I have no dread of the prerogative of the crown; which forms part of the law of the land, and is material and necessary to maintain the constitution. My only appre

hension is, from the usurpation of the legitimate prerogative, by the borough-monger faction, and the consequent abuse of it by the agents of that faction, untruly styling them selves ministers of the King, servants of the crown, through the medium of this House falsely denominating itself the representative of the people.

"A charge has been made by the abettors of corruption against those who wish for reform, as innotators and subverters of the constitution of the country, whereas the sole object of us reformers is, to rescue the country from the effects of the innovation that has been introduced. Those who speak so much of innovation seem to forget what the great Lord Bacon has said, that of all innovators time is the greatest.' Will you, then, while all things are changing around you, determine to stand still? Will you still cling to a rottenborough system, the creature of innovation, nursed by usurpation, and matured by corruption? Is it reasonable that sovereignty should be attached to particular spots and places, and to convert into private property that which the constitution has declared to be a public-trust-to permit an usurped local sovereignty, independent of the King, independent of the people, and destructive to both? The prerogative of the crown, had it been maintained free from encroachments, would never have suffered this anomaly, this ill-shaped monster, this rotten-borough system, at once for midable and contemptible, to have undermined the constitution.

"Had the constitutional power of the crown remained undiminished, this House would not now be in its present contaminated state; the just and great prerogative of the crown

would have been exercised beneficially, and given the King his proper weight in the administration of national affairs, whilst the people would have a shield-and a shield and not a sword is all the people expect-in an uncorrupted and fairly-elected House of Commons.-But out of this usurpation upon the crown, conspiring with the innovations of time, a third power has arisen, that of the boroughmongers-the creature of innovation, the worm of corruption, always unknown to our laws, now become greater than the laws, equally hostile to King and people, misrepresenting one to the other, filling the mind of one with jealousy, the ears of the other with alarm, which, by perpetuating discord, reigns sole arbiter of the strife, and establishes jts ignominious dominion over both.-My first object, therefore, is, to reunite the King and the people by the constitutional bond of allegiance on the one hand, and protection on the other.

"The simple principle upon which, as upon a pivot, the whole subject of representation turns, is this; that the free subjects of this kingdom have a right of property in their own goods; in other words, that the people of England cannot be legally and constitutionally taxed without their own consent. This principle is absolutely annihilated by the present frame of the representation of this House, to which one hundred and fifty-seven individuals have the power of returning a majority; so that the whole property of the free subjects of this kingdom is, in violation of this first and plain principle, at the disposal of 157 borough-mongers; or, in other words, 157 boroughmongers have usurped, and hold as private property, the sovereignty of England; and can we be satisfied

with this miserable, pitiful substitution for the King and constitution? "Every part of the empire will feel the benefit of the reform; but no where will the great advantages of the measure be likely to prove more salutary than in Ireland. I dare not venture to trust myself with the grievances of Ireland. It is a subject I cannot discuss without a more considerable degree of warmth than is consistent with that dispassionate line of conduct I am upon this occasion particularly anxious to maintain. My desire is to have Ireland united with this country, upon terms very different from those which at present exist. I wish to see there a perfect equality of advantage, and no exclusions. Of the present union, so called, I shall speak but little at this time: it was a measure contrary to the wishes, repugnant to the interest, revolting to the feelings of that nation; and effected by means the most flagitious, if the most unblushing corruption on the part of the agents, and the breach of every solemn assurance to the great body of that people, not only implied but expressed by the government of that country, deserve the appellation. Instead of that parchment union, I propose a real union of heart and affection, founded on the broad basis of the constitution, of equal rights and reciprocal interests.-Away with that crooked policy, that narrow-minded bigotry of legislation, that intolerable intolerance, which keeps alive perpetual heart-burnings, hatred, and revenge. Is it to be any longer endured, that four millions of Irishmen should be aliens and outlaws in their native land? Is it safe to have four millions of the people thrust out of the pale of the constitution? Is it consistent with reason, with common sense,

putting justice out of the question, any longer to tolerate such a system? By the adoption of reform, the government will have the fairest opportunity of removing the principal grounds of dissatisfaction in Ireland; now will be the time to do every thing without yielding any thing, to legislate upon enlarged principles, knowing nothing of particular parties, sects, or factions: keeping alive no distinctions of Catholic, Protestant, and Presbyterian, Tory, Whig, or Jacobin; alarming no prejudice, insulting no party, they may now include the whole within one bond of union of the constitution, embracing and ensuring the safety and tranquillity of the empire at large. We shall then, and not till then, have an united kingdom-one King-one people.

We shall by this recurrence to the constitution, not only seat the chief magistrate upon his throne, and fix the crown upon his head, but we shall place within his hand the sceptre and legitimate power of the King, in despite of those 157 borough-mongers, who have traitorously usurped all but the pageantry and outward shew and forms of royalty.

"What is the condition of the King under this faction? Instead of taking advantage of the elevation of his situation, where the constitution had placed him, as the eye of the nation, for the purpose of taking exten sive views for the advantage of the national interests, beyond the contracted horizon of ordinary men, his whole time is employed, his whole skill directed, not towards the duties of his high office, but in trying to keep his balance, in endeavouring to conciliate the support of such and such a borough-monger, in order to obtain his permission to allow the government to go on.-In truth, the

borough faction have such power, that he is more like a rope-dancer than a King; as they make it necessary for him to be perpetually upon the alert to balance himself on his slippery elevation, whilst the utmost he can do is to keep his place. Such is the state to which he is reduced under the influence of this ignominious system, instead of having his throne fixed on the rock of the constitution, and bound to the hearts of a whole people. This is not the situation in which the laws and constitution have placed the King, nor that which his dignity requires, and the best interests of the people demand. This question is so completely decided by Magna Charta, which,' as Lord Coke says, 'is such a fellow that he will bear no equal,' so strong ly fortified by all our constitutional laws, that no inferior authority can be required.

"Having taken the laws and the constitution for my guide, in preparing the measure I have to propose, I examined attentively all those plans for carrying the same principle into execution, which have at different times been proposed; and having avoided all those intricacies which I considered as so many impediments in the way, have reduced it to that plain and simple form, the express image of the constitution itself. My plan consists in a very few and very simple regulations.

"That freeholders, house-holders, and others, subject to direct taxation in support of the poor, the church, and the state, be required to elect members to serve in Parliament. "That each county be subdivided according to its taxed male population, and each subdivision required to elect one representative.

"That the votes be taken in each

parish by the parish officers; and all elections finished in one and the same day.

"That the parish officers make the returns to the Sheriff's Court, to be held for that purpose at stated periods.

“And that Parliaments be brought back to a constitutional duration.

"Under the operation of this reform, it would be attended with much less difficulty to return a whole Parliament, than to settle a dispute at a vestry about a parish pauper. Those disgraceful practices, which now attend even county elections, would be put a stop to. No bribery, perjury, drunkenness, nor riot; no opportunity for mock patriotism;-no leading attornies galloping about the country, lying, cheating, and stirring up the worst passions among the worst people;-no ill blood engendered between friends and relationssetting families at variance, and making each county a perpetual depository of election feuds and quarrels: No demagogueing.-If I am a demagogue, I am as complete a felo de se as can well be imagined this puts an end to the occupation:-No qualifications nor disqualifications-no invidious exclusions by reason of any office, from the highest to the lowest, either in the elector or the elected-no variable, fantastical, litigious, rights of voting-no possibility of false votes no treating-no carrying out voters-no charges of any kind-no expense, legal or illegalno contested elections. The people would have a choice without a contest, instead of a contest without a choice ;-no sham remedies worse than the disease pretended to be cured-No Grenville act. Here I speak feelingly; I have undergone this remedy.It is the remedy of a toad

under a harrow. Under the operation of that act, I have suffered a greater pecuniary penalty than any which the law would have inflicted for any crime I could have committed: this remedy is a luxury a man must be very rich indeed to indulge himself in. I could not afford it a second time, and preferred abandoning my seat after having been returned, to undergoing another operation of the Grenville act. One great object I have in view is to relieve other gentlemen from the like benefits, by preventing the necessity of having recourse to such remedies in future

by getting rid of all disputes and contested elections: this good consequence will result from the adoption of this plan, besides preventing endless litigation, ruinous expense, perjury, ill blood, and periodical up. roar and confusion, this House will be saved one-third of its time in election committees; and the Statute Book will be relieved from the shameful burden of one hundred and thirteen confused and intricate laws, all pitiful substitutes for the constitution. It must also give rise to other important results: those who complain of popular clamour-of persons allying themselves with the people against the sentiments and decisions of this House, would cease to have any room for complaint.

"Though I am not one of those who would apply a sponge to the debt of the nation, yet am I firmly persuaded, that a reformed House of Commons would introduce such a system of economy, both in the collection and expenditure of the public revenue, as would give instant ease to the subject, and finally, and that at no very distant period, by a due application of national resources to mational objects, and to them alone,

free the people from that enormous load of debt, and consequent taxation, under which the nation is weighed down.

"I hope, after this night, it will not be asserted nor insinuated, that I have any concealed purpose; that I shrink from speaking my sentiments frankly; that I decline to act an open part; or that I have any designs beyond those I avow. I have stated to this House and to the public the remedy for all our grievances, which I have been so often called upon to produce. I have obeyed that call.The remedy I have proposed is simple, constitutional, practicable, and safe, calculated to give satisfaction to the people, to preserve the rights of the crown, and to restore the balance of the constitution. These have been the objects of my pursuit-to these have I always directed my attention-higher I do not aspire, lower I cannot descend. I conjure this House to consider the necessity of doing something to satisfy the rational expectations of the public. I would have the timid bear in mind, who stand so much in dread of innovation, that the simple remedy now proposed is but a recurrence to those laws and that constitution, the departure from which has been the sole cause of that accumulation of evils which we now endure; that, in many cases, timidity is no less fatal than rashness; and that the omis sion to do what is necessary, seals a commission to a blank of danger."

Sir Francis then moved, that the House would early in the next session take into consideration the necessity of a reform. The motion was seconded by Mr Madocks. This was a question which had been so fully discussed during some of the late debates, that it sufficed on the