It would be difficult to measure the economic gains which the trade organizations have secured, or realize what labor's position would be to-day without them. If each union reported the wage gains directly conceded the union, the real gain could not be determined without fixing in terms equally exact the proportional increase in cost of living which fell to organized workers, if not to labor in general. Even were such computations possible, a still more important factor would need to be determined, namely, the effect on the general wage rate in the whole labor market which the potentiality of labor organization exerts.

The report of the Secretary of the Federation for 1913 showed that forty-five international unions had made 3,190 settlements for improved conditions without striking. These figures give no idea of existing agreements, as unions in several cases reported that

66

a great number " or " many " settlements were made during the year, and no union reported the still greater number of contracts or agreements which were operative either through an unexpired term, or which were indeterminate, or the still greater gains which thousands of union workers were enjoying by tacit understanding without resorting to formal con

tract.

The same report shows that 974 strikes in 67 international unions occurred during the year. This report, together with the foregoing, gives some idea of the policy of the Federation, and its determination to

establish by methods of peace, rather than war, labor's part in fixing conditions of work.

If the Federation is tenacious in relation to methods; if it hesitates to change old forms for new, it is because its unions have made present and heavy sacrifices for future gains. When revolutionary unionists demand that trade unions withdraw all restrictions it is in many cases equivalent to a demand on men who own more tangible forms of private property that they surrender the keys. It is important to keep clearly in mind the purposes of conservative and revolutionary unionism to realize the integrity of each.

NOTE.-Before a recent hearing of the Commission on Industrial Relations, the President of the A. F. of L. seemed to deny the Socialist position that the A. F. of L. acknowledged the mutual obligations and interests of capital and labor. But his statement that he did not consider the interests of the two classes "harmonious' was not a refutation of the Socialist criticism nor an endorsement of the Socialist position that there is no basis for agreement. (See p. 12.)

CHAPTER III

THE RAILROAD BROTHERHOODS

Conservatism-Common characteristics of the four organizations -Mutual insurance associations-" Protective policy "Arbitration as a substitute for strikes-The Erdman ActDevelopment of "protective policy "-Territorial divisions and concerted

movements-Standardization-Federation

Repudiation of coercive methods.

THERE are unions of railroad workers which are a part of the American Federation of Labor, such as the car builders, shop and road builders and repairers, telegraphers, machinists, and, in a limited district, switchmen. But the most important unions of railroad workers are independent of the American Federation, and represent a distinct type of labor organization. These unions are: The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, which includes conductors, baggagemen, brakemen, flagmen, switchmen in yard and train service, and the Order of Railway Conductors.

These four organizations with their common characteristics and their independence of the general union movement, are often briefly characterized as conservative by labor union men whose own organizations are as conservative in purpose and in administration as

are the brotherhoods of railroad workers. But conservative unions of the American Federation recognize a common labor movement by becoming a part of it and this the brotherhoods have refused to do. While many of the unions of the American Federation give only a nominal or official recognition to the idea of labor unity, the position taken by the brotherhoods frankly and squarely places the emphasis on unity of interests between limited groups of workers and their employers. Although some of the unions of the Federation are intent on the limited unity, they have not sufficient confidence in their own strength to take a position of independence.

66

The brotherhoods have depended on their conservatism for their growth. Their tenets as well as their history are testimonials to their faith in established institutions. They lay stress on the personal conduct of their members, and make no complaints against the exploitation of a class. The cardinal principles of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers are sobriety, truth, justice, and morality." A brother may be expelled from membership for intoxication, the keeping of a saloon or attending a bar, for habitual gambling or for making money through a gambling house. The preamble includes a statement recognizing the need for coördination of capital and labor, and the cultivation of amicable relations with employers. The motto of the Firemen is "protection, charity, sobriety, and industry." They also declare their belief in the

identity of interests between worker and employer, the necessity of coöperation and the cultivation of harmony. The Brotherhood of Trainmen affirms its intention of establishing mutual confidence and harmonious relations; and its rules of conduct, as well as the rules of the Conductors' Order, are emphatic and strenuous mandates which members disobey at risk of membership.

The editor of the Railroad Trainman writes:

The Brotherhood has tried to be fair to the public, the employer, and itself. It has accepted its responsibilities and consistently stood by what it has agreed to do, although there have been times when taking that position brought upon it the most bitter censure from those who have as yet to learn that a labor organization, to be successful, must be a business organization that holds its word as sacred as its bond. . . . Our educational work has been of a practical nature calculated to have the men understand their side of every question and at the same time realize that the industrial question is not one-sided by any means, but that the rights and privileges of the employer are as equally entitled to consideration as are the rights and privileges of themselves. In a word, the Brotherhood has attempted to bring about a fair understanding as to the rights between the employer and the employee. 1

The editor is fully justified in saying that the efforts of the Trainmen (and he might have added that the efforts of the other brotherhoods) to become a business organization have brought upon it bitter criticism. Some radical labor unions object strenu