350 pages of the first volume of the second edition of the Staatsrecht, which, when the translation is completed, will fill no less than five volumes. The director has wisely entrusted the whole of Mommsen's part of the work to a single hand, and M. Girard has fulfilled his task admirably. Though the powerful rough-hewn German of the original naturally loses much by translation, and though the French language is not seen at its best when trying to cope with Mommsen's weighty sentences, the work is probably as well done as it could be, and the translator has had the invaluable help of the author during the greater part of his labour. This gives the volume a value far beyond that of an ordinary translation, and it may be regarded almost in the light of a third edition. No pains have been spared to bring it up to the level of the latest researches and discoveries; and especially the material embodied in the ephemeris epigraphica, and Mommsen's own contributions to the subject since the appearance of the 2nd edition, (1876) have been woven into the notes. It may be useful to set down here some of the chief additions; viz. p. 32, the bearing of the Romulus-Remus legend on the principle of Collegialität,' from Hermes, vol. 16; p. 132, on the jurisdictio of the augurs, from Eph. Ep. iii. 101; p. 192 foll., on the nature of the State's right of property, from the Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung, 1885, p. 207, on magisterial fines, from Eph. Ep. ii. 205 (C. I. L. ix. 782); pp. 269, 271, on State contracts, from the Zeitschrift, as quoted above; p. 340, on the prafecti fabrum, from Eph. Ep. iv. 538, v. 31; p. 344, on salaria, from Diocletian onwards, from Eph. Ep. v. 643, &c.; p. 347, on consilium in jus privatum, from Hermes, 1885; p. 328, on scribæ, from Eph. Ep. iii. 108; and p. 329, on locatio operarum, from the Savigny-Zeitschrift, 1885. M. Humbert is to be congratulated on this excellent beginning of a great undertaking, which will be of the greatest value not only to French students, but also to Englishmen whose German does not go far enough to cope easily with the original. Paper and print are both superior to those of the German editions; the only misprints I have found are in references to the pages of the Ephem. Epigr., which have been corrected in the foregoing paragraph. W. W. Fowler. Studies in the Literary Records of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century, by CHARLES H. HERFORD, M. A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, late Berkeley Fellow of the Owens College, Manchester. Cambridge University Press. 1886. Pp. v.-xxix. ; 426. 98. HERE is a well-written book shewing signs of industrious work in what have been obscure parts of English literature. It would have pleased 'ingenuous Hone.' I can fancy Lamb opening it in some of the chapters and becoming engrossed therein: forgiving the occasional occurrence of a German name, till he turns over to a chapter about Germany, and in his dislike to making one in a party of Dutchmen,' packs it off to Coleridge. But in the Classical Review we have nothing to do with Owlsglass or Dr. Faustus, Friar Rush or Friar Bacon, Luther's hymns or the Trial and Funeral of the Mass. But the rise of the Latin Drama in Germany and England has its interest for the educationalist, and particularly for the classical scholar. In the quaint attempts to moralize Terence we have a testimony to the popularity of Latin literature, as well as an evidence of the conscientious views and purposes of the age of the Reformation. Mr. Herford shows how as the sixteenth century went on, Seneca became a greater power in Germany, and secular subjects with a tragic treatment came to preponderate over the comedy with a religious motive. In the annals of Cambridge we trace this less distinctly, partly because so many of the plays which were acted have been lost-even to their very titles, so that it is hard now to realize how large a share the drama had in Elizabethan education: less hard however since the recent elaboration of Greek tragedy. In Trinity College the statutes (1559-60) required of the prelectors the performance of several tragedies and comedies at Christmas. A comedy had been acted there (in the days of Michael-House) in 1386. The Mundus plumbeus and the Microcosmus of T. Artour, fellow of St. John's, are placed by Mr. Herford between 1520 and 1532. The year 1520 was signalized by the first performance of a play of Plautus, probably of any, non-miracle, Latin play at the English Court, and in 1536 the Plutus of Aristophanes was performed with the 'reformed' Greek pronunciation at St. John's. In 1545 the subject of pronunciation was dragged-in at the end of an angry letter from the Chancellor (Bp. Gardiner) to M. Parker then Vice-Chancellor, in which he complains, perhaps on the information of Cuthbert Scot (Bp. of Chester, 1556) of the performance in Lent at Christ's College of an expurgated version of Kirchmayer's Pammachius, a comedy about which Mr. Herford has a good deal to tell us. In 1548 there is a play at Queens', and the companies of Protector Somerset and of the King are allowed to perform in King's College hall. In 1556 the Lord' of Christ's performs at Christmas. On a Sunday in May 1557, my Lord of Norfolkes players perform in the hall. On the evening of Sunday, August 6, 1564, we have the Aulularia of Plautus in King's College chapel before Queen Elizabeth, who was present at other performances in the same place, Dido (a school-drama in Latin hexameters, with no chorus, by J. Ritwyse, master of Paul's, and performed in earlier days by his 'children' before Wolsey), and N. Udall's Ezechias in English. A Latin version of the Ajax flagellifer of Sophocles had been prepared, but the Queen was too weary to hear it. In 1566, J. Still's Gammer Gurtons' Needle was acted at Christ's College, and in 1567-9 there were plays in Jesus' College chapel. A stage was erected in Peterhouse for the comedy in 1571-2. In 1575 interludes and shows were forbidden. Another comedy at Jesus College at Christ mas 1577, this time in the hall. About this time Sir J. Harington was at Cambridge, where the wyser sort did (and still doe, 1592) mayntayn' comedies and tragedies. In 1580 the Vice-Chancellor declines, on account of the plague, to accept Burleigh's offer to send the Earl of Oxford's players. In 1586 J. Smith (Chr.), founder of the General Baptists, preached in the University Church against the custom of acting plays on Saturday and Sunday evenings. He was called to order by A. Perne (Pet.) deputy V.C. In 1586-7, Richard III., by Legge, was performed at Trinity. In 1590, W. Alabaster's tragedy Roxana, and Pedantius, a Latin broad farce (ascribed to either Mat. Wingfield or Beard) also at Trinity. Lelia at Queens' (again, according to Cooper, in 1596). In 1592 the University had a struggle with various companies of players, but the Queen gave notice for the students to prepare an English play. John Still (author of Gammer Gurtons' Needle) as Vice-Chancellor begged for time, and to substitute Latin. In 1595 two comedies and a tragedy at Trinity; and a comedy at In 1597, D. Wilburne's Machiavellus, the author a Johnian. Club Law, an English comedy, in ridicule of the townsmen (by G. Ruggle), at Clare. In 1600, a Corpus B. A. was suspended for taking part in an interlude at the Black Bear. And so we come to the Pilgrimage to Parnassus and the two parts of the Return from Parnassus, three comedies performed in St. John's College, Cambridge, 1597-1601 (very recently edited by Mr. Macray for the Clarendon Press), and to the confines of the Jacobean (Ignoraaus) era, which does not fall within the limits of Mr. Herford's interesting and valuable work. CHR. WORDSWORTH. Les études classiques avant la Révolution par l'Abbé AUGUSTIN SICARD, vicaire de Saint-Philippe-duRoule. Paris, libr. acad. Didier; Perrin & Cie, 1887. pp. ix. 590. 3 fr. 50. THE Abbé Sicard, who has written another work on Education before and after the Revolution, has in the pages now under our notice given a sketch which we inay commend both to those who have taken interest in the more serious issues of the Battle of the Books, and to those who may still be engaged in prosecuting or in pacifying the struggle in which Ancient is yet contending with Modern in the British Isles. long ago as 1704 the Jesuits acting Joseph vendu before royalty, introduced Apollo in the prologue as mediating between the Genius of Latin and the Genius of French, and counselling them to be good neighbours. As The volume before me contains thirty chapters, whereof about one dozen relate directly to the fortunes of Latin and Greek as employed in education. The other chapters tell of the study of modern languages, history, geography, mathematics, utilitarian (or applied) sciences; of the cultivation of the memory and the judgement; of object-lessons, gymnastics and accomplishments. In the latter portion of the book the author introduces us to the systems of the University of Paris, of the Jesuits, of the secular' colleges (of which nearly 400 grew up under episcopal supervision after the Suppression) of the Oratoire, and of the Military Schools established in Paris, and by th Benedictines. The last-named order at least befor 1764 had established a modern side' for those pupils who were specially destined au service. Here and there M. Sicard inserts a programme (e.g. p. 452, of the Benedictines at Sorèze in 1775, where, by the way, they were so audacious as to abolish verse composition). Also, after the concluding chapters which relate to the state of education in 1789, he gives in an appendix the lists of authors read according to the four great systems. The author writes in a good-humoured style, and shows how the Church of France after the Renaissance was not so far behind-hand in the performance of her duty towards secondary-or even primary-education as some have reported. I append a list of classical authors which I have extracted and combined from the four programmes to which I have alluded, namely, the course of study of the Jesuits (marked 'J'), Oratoire ('0'), Port-Royalists (R) and University of Paris ('U') before the Revolution. I. Authors included in the four schemes: Caesar, Cicero (Letters and other works), Q. Curtius, Horace, Nepos, Ovid, Phaedrus, Sallust, Vergil; Aesop, Demosthenes, Homer, Isokrates, Lucian and Plutarch, J.O. R.U. II. Books which occur in three out of four programmes: Chrysostom, J.O.U.; Livy, J. R.U.; Justin and Juvenal, O. R.U.; Quintilian, J. R.U.* III. Books included in one or two of the four schemes: Epistolae et Evangelia de tempore, &c., U.; Aldus Manutius, O.; Aphthonius (Latin), 0. From this author was derived the system of 'chries' (developed common-places, which were much used eir. 1620. See xpeía i. 4 in L. and S. Lexicon); Augustae Historiae Scriptores, O.; Aurelius Victor, U.; Catonis disticha, O.; Catullus, J.; Comenii Janua Linguarum, O.; Corderius, O.; Erasmus, (. ; Eutropius, R.; Florus, O. R.; Jerome, U.; Laberii mimi, R.; Lactantius, U.; Lipsii Monita Politica, (.; Martial, O.; Vell. Paterculus, 0.U.; Persius, O.U.; Pliny (N.H.) R.; Pliny (Paneg.), R.; P'ontanus, O.; Propertius, J.; Salvianus, U.; Seneca (Trag.) O.; Seneca (Philos.), R.; Statius, O.; Suetonius, R.; Tacitus, R. U.; Terence, O. R. ; Tibullus, J.O.; Valerius Max., O.; Verini Vivere diverso,' 0. S. Lucae Evang., R.U.; Act. Apostt., O.; Aelian, R.; Aeschines, O.; Aristotle (Rhet.), R. U'.*; Basil, J.U.; Cebetis tabula, J.; Cyprian, U.; Diodorus Siculus, Q.; Dionys. Halicarn., U.*; Euripides, O.R.; Gregor. Nazian, J.U.; Herodian, R. (tr. Politian); Herodotus, R.U.; Hesiod, J.0. ; Longinus, U.*; Pindar, J..; Phokylides, J.; Plato, J.; Sophokles, O.R.; Synesius, J.; Theognis, J.O.; Theokritos, O.; Thukydides, J.R.; Xenophon, O.R. Some of these authors were read only in books of Selections, and all of course were expurgated where necessary. Aristophanes and Plautus seem to have been entirely proscribed. Was Aeschylus considered too difficult? The absence of all the works of the once dominant Aristotle (the Rhetoric excepted) is most interesting to notice. That system of reading the classies which is connected in England with the name of Mr. Bohn was encouraged by the Port Royalists in the seventeenth century. The Military Colleges about 1750 stereotyped the use of interlinear versions which Locke and others had recommended in a previous age. CHR. WORDSWORTHI Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus. Gesammelt und herausgegeben von DR. ADALBERT HORAWIrz und DR. KARL HARTFELDER. Leipzig. (Teubner.) 1886. 8'. 28 Mk. THE correspondence embraces the years 1506 (21 September) to 1516 (12 October). Most of the letters (which are all in Latin) appear here for the first time, but the volume includes also the Dedicatory Epistles written by Rhenanus for various works pulilished during his time. Among the writers and thos to whom Rhenanus wrote we find: Joh. Reuchlin Joh. Oecolampadius, Konrad Peutinger, Willibald Pirckheimer, Desiderius Erasmus, Bonifacius Amerbach, Martin Bucer, Ulrich Zwingli, Ulrich von Hutten, Johannes Aventinus, Wolfgang Lazius, Joh. Oporinus, Sebastian Brant, Joh. à Lasco, &c., &c. The editors have also collected Rhenanus' poems: the epitaphs and inscriptions written by him at various times on various persons and events, and also the epigrams and verses written on him by various scholars. For the history, biography, bibliography, &c. of the period the volume is invaluable, and its value is increased by the editors' short but appropriate notes.-J. H. The books marked with an asterisk were recommended to the masters at Paris, along with the Psalter the unrivalled inanual of rhetoric.' Dom Thierry Ruinart (1657-1709). Notice suivie de Documents Inédits sur sa Famille, sa Vic, ses Ocurres, ses Relations avec D. Mabillon, par HENRI JADART, Sécrétaire Général de l'Académic de Reims. Paris, H. Champion. Reims, F. Michaud, 1886. 8vo. pp. viii 190, with engraving of the church of Hautvilliers, with Ruinart's tomb. 5 fr. THE author is at home in his subject, having published D. Jean Mabillon. Étude suivie de Documents Inédits sur sa Vie, ses Oeuvres, sa Mémoire (Reims, 1879), and three other works on Mabillon, and also L'Abayc d'Hautvillers (Marne), ses Sépultures, la Tombe de D. Ruinart (Caen, 1886). He hopes that the entire correspondence of his illustrious townsman may be given to the world; sixty letters written by, or relating to, Ruinart or his teacher Mabillon, are here printed for the first time. Few literary friendships have been so close or so fruitful in results as that of the great and self-denying scholar, and the pupil who survived his loss but two years, after labouring with redoubled effort to leave none of their joint publications unfinished. Well may M. Jadart hold them up for imitation to their Church at this day (p. 10): Il nous semble que l'on ne peut trop louer cette noble et franche piéte, vraie fille de l'Evangile, au contact de laquelle notre siècle devait se retremper. Aussi, dans les ouvrages de D. Ruinart, pas plus que dans sa conduite, on ne rencontre ni manifestation bruyante, ni crédulité puérile, ni défi hautain à ses adversaires.' J. E. B. M. TWO NOTES ON JULIUS CAESAR. NOTES. I. THE BRIDGE OVER THE RHINE.-Much the fullest discussion of the structure of this bridge that I have seen in the numerous English editions of Cacsar that have lately appeared is given in Mr. Peskett's notes. By the aid of these and the accompanying illustrations we can follow Caesar's account without difficulty so far as the erection of two pairs of piles, sloping in opposite directions: and it seems probable that the two piles of each pair were connected by a cross-piece (Fig. i. c) which may be alluded to by the word junctura. But in the interpretation of the next sentence I venture to think that Mr. Peskett has chosen wrongly to follow the majority of commentators, and that only some translation similar to that given by Napoleon III. in his Jules César (bk. iii. cap. 7. § 3) can satisfy all requirements. The passage is as follows (B. G. iv. 17). Haec utraque insuper bipedalibus trabibus immissis, quantum eorum tignorum junctura distabat, binis utrimque fibulis ab extrema parte distinebantur : quibus disclusis atque in contrariam partem revinetis tanta erat operis firmitudo atque ea rerum natura, ut quo maior vis aquae se incitavisset, hoc artius illigata tenerentur.' The usual interpretation can easily be gathered from Mr. Peskett's notes: haec utraque' is understood to mean 'in each case the two piles,' and the fibulac are arranged variously, but always as connecting two neighbouring piles; and the words 'quibus disclusis, etc.' are taken to refer to the fibulae, but are not exactly explained. But this totally fails to show how the security of the bridge was attained on the contrary, the linking of the two adjoining piles only would leave the whole structure most unsteady. Caesar obviously speaks with some pride of an ingenious device to avoid this. Napoleon's note is: It has not been hitherto observed that the words 'hacc utraque' relate to the two couples of one row of piles, and not to the two piles of one couple. Moreover the words' quibus disclusis, etc.' relate to these same two couples, and not, as has been supposed, to the fibulis.' He gives a diagram in illustration, which is reproduced by Mr. Peskett, and which, as will be seen, represents a real addition to the strength and compactness of the bridge. It may further be noticed that the word 'distincbantur' shows that the main object of the fibulae was to prevent the couples of piles from falling together inwards: and this end would most simply be attained by notching the fibulae or by letting them in to the beams at each end. The sentence will run more smoothly if we take the single word quibus to be abl. instr. and to refer to the fibulae and the two couples of piles were kept open by these.' I do not feel quite satisfied with taking in contrariam partem revinctis' to mean 'they were linked from one end of the bridge to the other may it not be they were linked together crosswise,' that is, the right-hand upper pile to the left-hand lower pile, and rice versa? This would avoid the difficulty of the two fibulae crossing halfway, so obvious in Napoleon's diagram. If the fibulae were let into holes in the beams at each end, the force of the current, being somewhat greater upon the upper piles, and being counteracted at the lower piles by the special supports, would really be to force the upper piles against the fibulae, and the lower ends of the fibulae deeper into the lower piles: and thus, prima facic at least, to make the whole structure more compact. My attention has however been called to the fact that the bridge would still lack joints connecting the couples in the direction across the stream. I propose therefore to translate the whole sentence as follows: 'connecting the two pairs of piles were laid beams of two feet width, that being the breadth of the joint between the two piles of each pair. The two pairs of piles were kept at their proper distance by two braces at their extremities on each side and as these braces not only held them thus open, but also connected them cross-wise, the whole work was exceedingly firm, and by the effect of natural laws, the greater the stream of water that bore upon the whole, the more compact became its structure.' II. CAESAR'S SPEECH IN BEHALF OF THE CATILINARIANS.--It seems to be generally supposed that Caesar, when pleading for a lighter penalty than that of death in the case of Lentulus and his associates, made a deliberate attack upon the state religion, and denied the accepted dogma of future punishments. Mr. Froude, in particular, in his 'Sketch' emphasizes this point. But if Caesar, appearing as pontifex marimus and praetor elect, and in a trial in which not only the life of other Roman citizens but his own also was threatened, gave his opponents any such advantage, we shall certainly have cause to wonder at his audacity rather than at his discretion. view is perhaps a little exaggerated. But this It will be well in the first instance to quote the words of Sallust (Cat. 51. 20) 'De poena possum equidem dicere, id quod res habet, in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnaruni requiem, non cruciatum esse; eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. With the exception of the last clause, there is no reference to a future state of rewards or punishment: a question quite distinct is proposed, whether death in itself is a good or an evil. : The reference in Cicero's speech (Cat. iv. 7) is more explicit. Alter (C. Caesar) intelligit mortem a dis immortalibus non esse supplicii causa constitutam, sed aut necessitatem naturae aut laborum ac miseriarum quietem esse: itaque eam sapientes nunquam inviti, fortes etiam saepe libenter oppetiverunt." This is a better authority for us to follow than Sallust's statement, which may very well be taken from it and Caesar's meaning clearly is that death is in itself a blessing. It is possible he may have hinted his disbelief in any life beyond: Cicero in his reply certainly urges that the old Romans had determined there must be some kind of punishment in the world below like those which Caesar is proposing for Catiline and his associates now or else ill-doers would have no reason to dread death. But even if Cicero bases his counter-argument on a religious dogma, it does not follow that Caesar had gone out of his way to attack it. That the question whether death in itself is an evil was a κowds Tomos of the schools, appears from Juvenal x. 357-9, 'fortem posce animum, mortis terrore carentem, qui spatium vitae extremum inter munera ponat naturae,' and abundant illustration is given in Prof. Mayor's1 note on this passage. But it is characteristic of Roman forensic oratory that so abstract a discussion should form a prominent feature in an exciting political debate: and if Caesar compromised himself in any way during its course, it was probably because he imagined himself for the moment with his old teacher at Rhodes, and in the enjoyment of the full freedom of academic debate. That any disrespect was intended to the religion of his ancestors is most unlikely for that Caesar was quite as ready as Cicero himself to support as a statesman, though it might have but little influence on his speculative views. E. V. ARNOLD. : THE EPITHET GIVEN TO PROCHYTA BY VERGIL IN AEN. IX. 715.-At the beginning of the seventh volume (1849) of The Classical Museum, there is an article On Critical Induction,' by 'C. B.' It contains (p. 4) the following : Tum sonitu Prochyta alta tremit, durumque cubile Inarime Jovis imperiis imposta Typhoco. Whatever may be the exact height of Prochyta, the epithet alta is absurd when mention is made in the same sentence of Inarime (Ischia), which is close by it, and one of the highest mountains in the country. All that can be said is that alta is a kind of hack epithet with Vergil, and especially with the elision, as here used.' The writer then quotes the following passages:Aen. ix. 678; Georg. ii. 479; Aen. x. 197: i. 189; iv. 343; vi. 179; ix. 388; Georg. iii. 393; Aen. vi. 788; i. 427, 429; xii. 929; ii. 448; xii. 546, 547, 474. In none of these passages do I see any ground for finding fault with the epithet alta, nor do I think that the elision affects the epithet at all. Forbiger refers to his note on Aen. iii. 76. He there says: Verissime docet Wagner insulas (utpote quae omnes mari emineant) poetis promiscue altas dici, ut ab ipso Virgilio, ix. 715, Prochyta, quae humilis fuerit.' Conington says : 'Prochyta may be called alta as a rocky island, or alta may go with tremit, which seems more likely.' I would rather account for the epithet thus:Vergil had I think in his eye that lofty rock in the north-east of Procida (Prochyta), on which is now the Castello. In a foreshortened view of the island from the mainland, such as was familiar to Vergil, it would be the prominent object, and would seem quite to justify the epithet alta.-J. HOSKYNS If without a gift thy hand has touched the altar not (seeking to become) more coaxing by (the sacrifice of) a costly victim, then it has appeased the angry Penates with the simple mola salsa.' The force of the comparative blandior is thus exactly given; the suppliant approaches the altar without a gift, not endeavouring to add to her powers of persuasion by a costly sacrifice, and blandus is used with some scorn (cf. blandiri), Horace distinctly 1 Prof. Mayor now takes extremum as predicate, in edition of 1886, vol. I. p. 466. deprecating such endeavours to wheedle' the gods into showing favour, cf. his scornful use of pacisci 'to bargain-votis pacisci, ne Cypriae Tyriaegue merces &c. The stanza probably represents a well known yvwun, cf. Pliny Praef. N. H. mola tantum salsa litant qui non habent tura. The mola salsa is not reckoned as a 'gift' but represents the spirit of sacrifice and avails without any costly sacrifice.-T. E. P. EMENDATION OF LIVY XLII. 17, AND OF APPIAN, Maced. XI. 7, 8.-When the Romans were hunting up pretexts for the third Macedonian war, it was asserted, among other things, that Perseus had bribed a wealthy citizen of Brundisium to poison certain leading Romans and envoys as they passed through that town on their way to and from the East, or (as Appian says) to poison the senate. This citizen had been selected by Perseus owing to the special facilities he enjoyed for perpetrating the crime. Princeps Brundisii Rammius fuit: hospitio quoque et duces Romanos omnes el legatos exterarum quoque gentium insignes, praccipue regios, accipiebat. Summoned to Perseus' court, Rammius, in terror of being himself a victim, promised to carry out the plot, but instead of returning home hastened to C. Valerius, at that time at Chalcis, who sent him on to Rome. There he laid his information before the senate. The name of this Brundisian is given by Livy as L. Rammius, by Appian as Herennios. The latter is more probable, as the name Rammius seems not to occur elsewhere, though Remmius, Rennius, Ramnius, and other similar names appear on inscriptions and coins. But an inscription discovered by Carapanos at Dodona in 1876 (Cauer2, No. 247; Collitz, Sammlung, vol. ii. heft 1), and discussed among others by Fick, Bezzenberger's Beiträge, iii. p. 269; Bursian, Sitzungsberichte d. Bayer. Königl. Acad. 1878, ii. p. 15, and by Mr. Roberts, Journal of Hellenic Studies, ii. p. 113, seems to throw doubt upon either name being the correct form. That inscription contains a grant by the Epirots of proxenia, and other privileges, to one Gaios Dazoupos Rennios, of Brundisium, on the ground of the goodwill which he continues to bear towards the Epirots.' Fick assigned this inscription to later than 244 B.C. when Brundisium became a Roman colony, since Rennios had three names after the Roman fashion. By the reference in the decree to Antinous as strategos of the Epirots, compared with Polybius xxvii. 13, 7, Xxx. 7, 2, and Livy xlv. 26, Bursian fixed the date more closely as about 170 B.C. Now as Rammius was in Macedonia in 172, is it unreasonable to suppose that he had visited his friends in Epirus too, and was honoured by this decree in his favour? It is extremely improbable that there should be two persons living in Brundisium at the same time, with names so similar, and both distinguished for hospitality to foreigners; there need, therefore, be no hesitation in replacing the Rammius of Livy, the Herennios of Appian by the Gaios Dazoupos Rennios of the Dodonaean Inscription.-P. GILES. odd THE ASTRAGALIZONTES OF POLYCLETUS.-In the excursus upon the Social Games of Rome, in Gallus, Becker mentions the Greek game of apтiaoμós, and even,' known at Rome as par impar, and after describing it, adds The Astragalizontes of Polycletus may however have been real dice-players.' Certainly 'may have been,' but from the comparison of a passage in Apoll. Rhod. and from general considerations it seems much more probable that it represented boys playing at ἀρτιασμός. From the words of Pliny (N. H. xxxiv. § 19) we only gather that this famous work represented boys playing with ȧorpiyano (knucklebones), and we know that besides the use of knucklebones (or imitation ones) as dice, called by Becker (Charicles p. 354) 'the regular game,' and the game of apriaσuós, there were other games played with aσrpayaλoi, as for instance πεντάλιθα. The passage I refer to is Ap. Rh. iii. 117 foll where Eros and Ganymede are playing together. ἀμφ' ἀστραγάλοισι δὲ τώγε χρυσείοις, ἅτε κοῦροι ὁμήθεες, ἑψιόωντο. καὶ μὴν τούσγε παράσσον ἐπὶ προτέροισιν ὀλέσσας K.T.λ. There are three points in which the game here described resembles àpriaσuós. (1) It was especially a child's game. See Becker's Charicles, p. 354, where he alludes to antiques representing children at this game, and wherever it is mentioned it is mostly spoken of as played by children or by men who make themselves children, see Plat. Lysis 206 E.; Ar. Rhet. iii. 5. 4 (where Cope shortly describes the game in his note); Lucian. Dial. Deor. IV.; so with par impar, see Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 248; Suet. Aug. 71. Eros is always represented as preeminently childish in appearance and habits, to make the more piquant his mischievous disposition and enormous power for evil. (2) The game in Apollonius is played not only with golden knucklebones but for them, because Ganymede loses all he has. (3) The attitude of Eros is just what might be expected. He holds his hands upon his breast, asking Ganymede to guess, and Becker himself in the passage from Gallus quoted says in allusion to apriaoμós, it is represented in works of art, as for instance where a boy is pressing the hand containing his gains to his breast.' I may add that Becq de Fouquières in his Jeux des Anciens (pp. 284-289) refers at some length to this passage of Apollonius and takes it for granted that apriaouós is here represented. The only difficulty is the word eninpoïeis 'throwing forward,' which would naturally refer to dice. But may it not mean merely 'staking,' as Becq de Fouquières translates 'il n'avait plus que deux osselets qu'il aventurait l'un après l'autre'? However it is clear from c.g. Plut. Alc. 2 and from engravings of ancient frescoes given by Becq de Fouquieres on pp. 332, 333 that boys played games with aσrpayaoi in which they threw them forward as dice are thrown. Still this by no means outweighs the reasons above given for thinking apriaoμós is represented in Apoll. Rhod., and, assuming that, is it rash to suppose that Apollonius has in mind the very statue of Polycletus referred to by Pliny, for most people will agree that he is representing some work of art-painting or sculpture? At all events I think it will be admitted that the game of odd and even suits the conditions of the statue of Polycletus, if not better than any other game with ἀστράγαλοι, certainly far better than the game with dice. R. C. SEATON. ANNOUNCEMENTS.-Editions of Polybius and of Apollonius Rhodius are in preparation, the former by Mr. J. L. Strachan Davidson of Balliol College, the latter by Mr. R. C. Seaton, late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge. A series of parallel grammars will shortly be commenced under the supervision of Mr. E. A. Sonnenschein, professor of Greek and Latin at Mason College, Birmingham, who will himself contribute the Latin grammar. It is hoped by the |