meaning given by the editor here is no doubt eigener Emendationen und auch einige interessante correct in substance, but I submit that it is

Conjekturen anderer Gelehrter in Cambridge mitge

theilt. Die Nachricht von seinem nach kurzer Kranknot kolaorýv which makes possible the use

heit in Rom am 30 März d. J. erfolgten Tode war für of μέγας, but θυμόν, and that to θυμόν in mich eine überaus schmerzliche.' strict analysis weltw belongs, being joined as a further predicate with éxdpapóvta. In fact The introduction is divided into five the editor's translation that my wrath had chapters: run too fur in punishing those past errors' I (pp. 3–26). Martial's life and poems. seems to me precisely right, and more so II (pp. 26-50). Martial's versification. than his note. "The phrase uéyas Oupós, high (The chief part of this chapter, ‘Elegisches anger, is familiar.

Distichon,' is by Th. Birt, whose shortening Space forbids me to go further at present of o in the substantive modo, x 16 8, calls in discussion : and it would be impossible forth a deserved protest from the Revue even to sample here the notes which seem to Critique.) dispose finally of their subject. I have III (pp. 50-67). Chronology of Martial's noted for example as containing points of Epigrams.' Here Friedländer has modified special interest, those vv. 342, 383, 420, 504, his earlier results by the aid of Stobbe, 522, 658, and many others. But it is useless Mommsen, Hirschfeld, Asbach, Kerckhoff. to distinguish, where the whole deserves IV (pp. 67–119). Tradition of the Text,' accurate study. I bope for an opportunity with three appendices: (1) Derivation of of returning to the subject.

the Three Families from Three Texts.'

(2) 'On Cod. F and the MSS. identified A. W. VERRALL.

with it by Schneidewin? (by C. Frobeen).

(3) Orthographical Details' (by W. Gilbert) M. Valerii Martialis Epigrammatum Libri.

Many scholars have contributed collations,

and Friedländer has worked hand in hand Mit erklärenden Anmerkungen von LUDWIG

with Gilbert, whose edition of the text has FRIEDLÄNDER, Professor in Königsberg. just been published by Teubner, and whose Leipzig, S. Hirzel. vol. i pp. (4) and 523,

review in the Berliner Philolog. Wochenschr. vol. ii pp. 546. 18 M.

4 Dec. 1886, enters into some detail about

Friedländer's critical treatment of his This book has long been impatiently ex

materials. The orthography generally coinpected. Prof. Friedländer's Sittengeschichte

cides with that sanctioned by the oldest is itself a commentary on Martial and his

MSS. of other authors; it is to be observed times, and since Marquardt's death probably that both Friedlander and Gilbert write

one remains, unless it is Mommsen, epistola, brachium. equally familiar with the life and manners

V (pp. 120-127). Editions.

· Editions. It is to of the Roman empire.

be regretted that more use has not been English readers will read with interest

made of Rader's commentary, which is often the dedication dem Andenken an Hugh

cited, for instance, by Becker in his Gallus. Andrew Johnstone Munro + 30 März 1985.'

Marcilius and Heraldus are not even menSince 1878 Munro and Friedländer had

tioned, though both of them did much to carried on a correspondence about Martial

illustrate the language and the matter of (i p. 125):

their author. The names of masters in Munro hat stets an meiner Arbeit den freundlich- various departments of ancient learning, sten Antheil genoinmen und mir eine Reihe trefflicher whom Prof. Friedländer has been able to

consult on difficult prints, Jordan, G. and 1 At v. 71 by a slip of the pen 'The Chorus are' 0. Hirschfeld, P. Krüger, V. Hehn, F. is written for "The Stranger is.' A propos of this, is Hultsch, C. F. W. Müller, A. Sallet, F. not the EENOE of the traditional dramatis personas

Schürer, suffice to assure us that nothing a singularly unhappy description ? Oedipus addresses him of course by à five, but I can scarcely believe

has been omitted to make Martial intellithat Sophocles meant him to be so described. Could gible to this age. For the text, beside Antigone when she sees him approaching (v. 29) Gilbert and Munro, and collators, Baebrens, possibly have said πέλας γαρ ξένον τόνδε νων ορώ Buecheler, Grasberger, Rohde, have supplied instead of avopa ? Yet to describe him as févos in the dramatis personae is much the same thing. The

contributions. word is essentially relative, and has no meaning as

There are special introductions to spect. an independent description. 'Ανήρ Κολωνιάτης would and XIV. The commentary is divided into be the proper phrase. Polynices at his approach four sections: (1) Critical notes (only where (v. 1219) is desciibed as d févos, but naturally, as he is known to be such, έμπολιν ουκ όντα, συγγενή δέ,

the reading is doubtful : it would be well to 0. 1156.

publish the entire variations of the important


ίσον ίσω. .

MSS. collated for the first time). (2) Dr. E. iuberet spargique ad pedes stantibus. cf. Wagner's parallels from earlier and later Phaedrus i 22 6. writers. (3) Citations in grammarians, III 75 3 bulbique salaces. Athen. ii 64 scholiasts and mediaeval writers. (4) Ex- and 65 p. 63d seq. who cites the proverb planatory notes.

ουδέν σ' ονήσει βολβός αν μη νεύρ' έχης. Αpic. At the end is an index of names by vii 12. Carl Frobeen (pp. 347–381), divided into

IV 86 9 10 mythological, geographical and topographical,

si damnaverit, ad salariorum authors, historical persons before the battle

curras scrinia protinus licebit. of Actium, Roman emperor's, real (in italics) and fictitious names of the imperial times,

From Catullus 14 17 18 nam si luxerit, ad names of animals. A full index of words

librariorum curram scrinia.

IV 89 l ohe iam satis est, ohe, libelle. (pp. 382–532) and an index to the introduction and potes complete the book. The

See on the change of quantity Munro on index of words is an improvement on the

Lucretius iv 1259 and Nicander, frag. 70 14 Delphin index, for under the adjectives the substantives with which they agree are

V 69 7 8 given. But it does not supersede Lemaire's quid prosunt sacrae pretiosa silentia linguae ? index of phrases; both are necessary to the incipient omnes pro Cicerone loqui. student. By referring to his Sittenge- From Sextilius Ena in Sen. suas. 6 § 27 schichte, to Becker-Göll's Gallus, to Mar deflendus Cicero est Latiaeque silentia linguae. quardt's and Mommsen's handbooks and

VIII 30 6 totis pascitur illa sacris. other standard authorities, Friedländer has

This is said of the right hand of the been able to compress much valuable teach

convict who represented Scaevola, thrusting ing in a small com pass. I hope elsewhere to

his hand into the fires of the altar. Fried furnish larger materials for the interpre- länder conjectures sacris p. i. focis : 'totis tation of the prince of epigrammatists. Here was written focis, and then the transposition space will allow only a few extracts from my was made for the metre.' Duff and Munro collections.

explain totis adverbially dextra unice pasIII 18

citur et delectatur sacrificiis.' I take it in perfrixisse tuas questa est praefatio fauces.

its strict sense : the hand does not timidly cum te excusaris, Maxime, quid recitas ?

skirt the fringe of the fire, letting 'I dare

not' wait upon ‘I would,' but plunges into Snet. Nero 41 edictis tandem Vindicis

the thick of it and there roams, devouring contumeliosis et frequentibus permotus, sena

the devouring element, like a beast in its tum epistula in ultionem sui reique publicae pasture; ‘feeds on the length and breadth alhortatus est, excusato languore faucium

of the burnt-offering. Sacris focis is very propter quem non adesset. Quintil. iv 1 $ 8. tame in comparison, . Tac. d. 20 pr. quis nunc feret orutorem de VIII 76 7 vero verius ergo quid sit, audi. infirmitate valetudinis praefantem? qualia cf. vi 30 6 ris dicam tibi veriora veris ? sunt ferme principia Corvini. Gellius xi 9 Sen. ep. 66 § 8 nihil invenies rectius recto,

non magis quam verius vero, quam temperato

temperatius. Paulin. vit. Amb. 25 certo III 23

certius. Arnob. ii 48 omni vero verissimum omnia cum retro pueris opsonia tradas, est certoque certissimum (on the abl. after

cur non mensa tibi ponitur a pedibus ? superl. see Bernays Ges. Abh. ii 128). Sen. ep. 77 § 8 non esse inhumanum, IX 87 4 5 quemadmoilum cena peracta relliquiae cir

et dicis modo liberum esse iussi cumstantibus dividantur, sic peracta vita

Nastam.' aliquid porrigi his, qui totius vitae ministri Flor. i 10 8 valere liberosque esse iussit. fuissent. Petron. 67 Narra mihi, Gai, oro, Manumission per epistulam, cod. vii 6 1 Fortunata quare non recumbit ?' Quomodo $ lc. nosti' inquit illam,' Trimalchio, 'nisi argentum composuerit, nisi relliquias pueris divi

X 3 3 4 serit , aquam in 08 suum non coniciet.' Suet.

quae sulphurato nolit empta ramento Galba 22 cibi plurimi traditur, quem tempore

Vatiniorum proxeneta fractorum. hiberno etiam ante lucem capere consuerut,

Sen. n.q. i 1 § 8 nam apud nos quoque inter cenam vero usque eo abundantis, ut ramenta supure aspersa ignem ex intervallo congestas super manus relliquias circumferri trahunt.

X 25 5 6

my collections have been anticipated by one nam cum dicatur tunica praesente molesta

or other of these papers, but I believe that 'ure manum' plus est dicere non facio.'

no one has called attention to a graphic de

scription in Aug. de magistro c. 10 § 32 nam The use of the present deserves to be

quaero abs te, si quisquam ignarus deceptionis illustrated. Plaut. trin. 1059 CH. heus tu, asta ilico: fieret aucupi, armis quidem suis instructo, non

avium, quae calamis et visco affectatur, obviam audi, heus tu. Sr. non sto.-most. 251

tamen aucupanti, sed iter agenti ; quo viso (= 261 R) Pr. tum tu igitur cedo purpur

premeret gradum secumque, ut fit, admirans issum. Sc. non do. 862–3 velut ubi advor

cogitaret et quaereret quidnam sibi hominis sum ut eant ero suo vocantur :) 'non eo:

ille vellet ornatus ; auceps autem cum in se molestus ne sis.'_ Curc. 621 PHAEDR. am

videret attentum, ostentandi se studio capnas bulu in ius. THER. non eo. 662 PHAEDR.

cxpediret et prope animadversam aliquam tace tu, CURC. non taceo. 712-3 CAPP.

aviculam fistula et accipitre figeret, subigeret non taces ? THER. non taceo. —Ter. haut.

et caperet ; nonne illum spectutorem suum 610-1 CH. pro Menedemo nunc tibi ego

doceret nullo significatu, sed re ipsa, quod respondeo 'non emo.'— Sen. contr. 27 § 14

ille scire cupiebat ? caele' inquit: 'non caedo.' verbera : 'non

In a word : this edition is indispensable ferio.'—Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis 2

for all students of Martial, containing a 'fac sacrum pro salute imperatorum.' et

greatly enlarged and sifted critical appaego respondi: non facio.'—Cypriani acta

ratus, a concise antiquarian commentary, proconsul. 3 in Hartel's Cypr. p. cxii. =

such as probably no other living man could Aug. serm. 309) Galerius Maximus

proconsul have given us, a large collection of parallel dixit: iusserunt te sacrutissimi imperatores

passages, and occasionally valuable gramcueremoniari.' Cyprianus episcopus dixit :

matical and lexicographical notes. There is 'non facio.' cf. Cypr. p. 483 17 = 660 19.

still room for a young Ruhnken or Heindorf Acta Felicis c. 2 % 2 (in Dupin's Optatus, 149 to labour in this last field, and the commencol. 2) Magnilianus curator dixit: Felix

tators on Horace (esp. Obbarius), Apuleius, episcope, da libros vel membranas quascumque Petronius, with Casaubon's Persius and Suehabes.' Felix episcopus dixit : habeo, sed non

topius, will supply abundant materials and do' (same reply ibid. c. 5. p. 150 col. 2). models of research. Ruinart acta sincera (Pionius c. 21, but in

John E. B. MAYOR. c. 8 the future is used). acta sanct. Feh. 1 p. 464 Le Blant, Les Actes des Martyrs The Development of the Athenian Democracy.

By F. B. JEVONS, M.A., Tutor in the XIV 151

University of Durham. dulci sed pondere venter si tumeat.

This pamphlet is an attempt to elucidate Ov. her. 11 37 iamque tumescebant vitiati some of the obscurities of early Athenian pondera ventris. Rittershusius and others history, and to explain, on the basis of on Phaedrus III 15. lexx. s.v. pondus. historical development, how political power XIV 174 2 cetera matris habet.

passed from the Eupatridae into the hands Cf. ii 89 4 hoc Ciceronis habes. ibid. 2 of the πλήθος. . and 6.

Mr. Jevons attacks his subject with two XIV 212

different weapons. The first of these is si solum spectes hominis caput, Hectora

the recently discovered papyrus-fragment of credas:

Aristotle's πολιτεία 'Αθηναίων : the second is si stantem videas, Astyanacta putes.

the close application of the comparative Iuv. vi 503-4 Andromachen a fronte

method,' in order to investigate the intervidebis. I post minor est, credas aliam.

dependence of ancient religious and political XIV 217 1 dic quotus et quanti cupias thinking (p. 27) that he is the first to apply

systems. Mr. Jevons is surely mistaken in cenare. See Obbarius on Hor. ep. 15 30 tu,

this method to Athenian political developquotus esse velis, rescribe. XIV 218

ment. Not to mention Freeman's Lectures non tantum calamis, sed cantu fallitur ales,

on Comparative Politics, La Cité Antique of callida dum tacita crescit harundo manu.

Fustel de Coulanges is entirely based on this

idea. On the fowler's limed rod see Zacher in It is well known that in 683 B.C. a step Hermes xix 432-436 with the supplement in the direction of democracy was made by of O. Crusius ibid. xxi 487–490. Most of the institution of nine annual archons. The

p. 81.

competition for the office, then practically Còv, admittedly stands for the Periclean the sole depositary of power, was very keen. Reforms. It appears from the papyrus that in the Mr. Jevons bases his arguments on the archonship of a certain Damasias, whose cardinal fact that admission to the Sparpia date Mr. Jevons, following Bergk 1 (Rhein. meint possession of the franchise. The Mus. 1881, p. 87 ff.), places at 639-8 B.c., an andos at Athens, like its analogue, the outbreak of violence occurred which resulted plebs at Rome, wanted power, and was in the division of the archonate between the determined to make itself unpleasant until three classes' in such a way that the it obtained it. Now power, i.e. the right of Eupatridae were represented by four archons, choosing your rulers and holding them to the Geomori (Georgi, Apoiki) by three, and account, was only held by members of the the Demiurgi by two. Here a difficulty at φρατρίαι, which φρατρίαι were made up of a once arises, because the historians tell us certain number of yévn. Belong to a yévos that it was not till half a century after the mñdos could not, any more than the B.C. 639 that Solon instituted his property plebs at Rome could be admitted to a patriclassification, admitting only the first class cian's household rites. The problem could to office. This would be, if anything, a re- only be solved, as indeed it was solved at trograde step, since obviously fewer Geomori Rome, by admitting the rinbos into the and Demiurgi than before would be eligible φρατρίαι but not into the γένη of which the to office. Mr. Jevons shows that the view pparplai were composed. This revolution that only the TTEVTAKOO LOMédiuvol were eligible was accomplished before Solon, possibly soon to office under Solon rests solely on a passage after what was practically the monarchy of Plutarch (Aristides i.), on other grounds was subdivided, just as at Rome the pilebs suspicious, and concludes, with the support forced their way into the Comitia Centuriata of Aristotle (Pol. ii. 12), that by the con- soon after the bisection of the regal power. stitution of Solon all åpxai were held by the But, in order not to make a complete surfirst three property classes. It may be render, the Eupatridae probably accompanied added that the negative evidence of Pollux their concession to the rindos with a timo viii. 131 (οι δε το θητικόν τελούντες ουδεμίαν cratic restriction of the franchise, such as is ápxiv nexov) and of Harpocration 8.v. Ontes described by Aristotle in his First Stage, (ούτοι δε ουδεμίαν ήρχον άρχήν) tell in the and this was in force when Solon instituted same direction.

his reforms. Solon extended the franchise Then follows an ingenious piece of reason- to all members of sparpiai, without any ing, which contains the gist of the paper. restrictions of property, but, in order to Proceeding on the assumption (previously check indiscriminate admission, he denied laid down by Oncken, Staatslehre des Aris- the right of inheritance in intestacy (åytoteles) that when Aristotle speaks in abstract Xlotela), and therefore the franchise, to terms about the development of political vódol, i.e. to children of non-Athenians by institutions he is really referring to those of either parent. Athens, the author argues that Aristotle's Cleisthenes introduced manhood suffrage well-known Four Stages of the evolution of for Attica. The Sparpía, as a division democracy (Pol. vi. (iv.) 4-6) do in fact carrying political privileges, was abolished, exactly correspond to what actually occurred and a geographical subdivision of Attic: in the history of Athens. The First Stage, into annou substituted, the right of moletela in which the depositary of power is tò yeup being henceforth dependent on registration γικόν και το κεκτημένον μετρίαν ουσίαν, cor- as δημότης not as φράτωρ. This was manresponds to the pre-Solonian period. The hood suffrage, with one restriction, that the Second Stage, when the suffrage without father must be an Athenian. No proof is restriction belongs to all ανυπεύθυνοι κατά το at hand that Cleisthenes was the author of yévos, apswers to the Reforms of Solon. The this law, but it is obvious that some check Third Stage, το πασιν έξείναι όσοι αν ελεύθεροι must have been introduced, and Mr. Jevons von reflects the Reforms of Cleisthenes, points out that if the holírns still had to under whom the term életbepol assumed a be yolos de áudoiv, Cimon, Themistocles, new and wider meaning. The Fourth Stage, and Thucydides (Olori), all vóbol e perewhen voters are paid by the State for grinis, would have been åteuol. their services, τους απόρους λαμβάνειν μισ- The Sparpía, killed by Cleisthenes, was

revived by Pericles. This was the effect of 1 Mr. Jevons makes too little use of this admirable

the law μόνους Αθηναίους είναι τους έκ δυεϊν paper. He takes his readings of the papyrus from the completely superseded interpretation of Blass, Herines,

A Anvalou yeyovóras (Plut. Per. 37), a law 1880, p. 336 l. ; 1881, p. 42 f.

rendered a State necessity by Pericles' new arrangement for giving pay for attendance [of Athens) probably did not amount to more at the εκκλησία. . This new arrangement, than the 5,000 citizens to whom the ékkinoia dangerous to finance if open to any casual was limited.' Then what was the point of applicant, had the double effect of restoring the Four Hundred limiting the citizenship to the sparpía as a political qualification, and fire thousand? They obviously intended to of drawing together in a closer bond of re-impose some timocratic qualification (Thuc. urion all true-born Atheniaris.

viii. 65, end), to the exclusion of the poorer The weak link in this chain of practically classes. The reason given (on p. 24) for the rewritten bistory appears to be the period conclusion of the Thirty Years

' Truce by of the Solonian and pre-Solonian Reforms. Athens (that it was to gain time for preAccording to Mr. Jerons Solon abolished paration for the inevitable war with Sparta) the property qualification for the exercise of looks like a piece of rather loose writing, the franchise. This inrolves two assumptions: and sounds much as though it had been said (1) that when, in 639, the archonate was that in 1871 the French made peace in divided amongst the three classes, the fran- order to prepare for the inevitable war with chise depended on a property qualification, Germany. Is it not rather hard luck,' too, and (2) that, granted a property qualification to say (p. 27) that the whole of Curtius to the franchise was made, it lasted up to account of the Cleisthenean reforms is 'viSolon's time. Neither assumption rests on tiated by a fundamental error' because he, a shadow of evidence. Gilbert indeed (Griesch. amongst other mistakes, was not acquainted Staatsalt. i. 123), whom Mr. Jevons is perhaps with a fact recorded only in the Berlin following, suggests that the concession of papyrus, which was not discovered till more 639 meant 'ein wohl init einer vermögens- than twenty years after Curtius wrote his rechtlicben Beschränkung verbundenes History ? The quotation from Herodotus Wahlrecht,' but he advances no proof of the vii. 2, is rather a slender peg on which to assumption, nor does Mr. Jevons, except the hang the primacy of the eldest son' among comparison of what bappened at Rome. the Greeks, for that passage plainly refers, Again, the words of the papyrus-fragment not to the beadship of a family, but sucitself, immediately following the account of cession to a throne, by no means the same the breakiog up of the archonate, seem to thing. Finally, the word Sparpía is regarded show that the arrangenient was purely (p. 31) as “a later form of parpía, which is temporary. It continues kai oirol Tòv metà an Ionic weakening of matpla a by-form of Δαμασίαν ήρξαν ενιαυτόν, which surely implies πάτρα : thus φρατρία is the association of that the change terminated with that year. sons of a common father.' Would not the It was a change bastily made, to meet the received connexion of Sparpía with Saps. demands of tumult, and as hastily revoked. thráta, Lat. frater, have been a simpler way And it is clear that it is quite unnecessary of arriving at the same result? Curtius to assume any elaborate timocratic restriction (Gk. Etym. 699) deals with the form parpía. of the franchise if the right to exercise it On the whole, however, although we are only lasted one year. Besides, this breaking not prepared to accept in its entirety this up of the archonnte was a reform of an complete remodelling (for it is nothing less) ultra-democratic character, too democratic of much of the early Attic history, yet the for its early date. It was the institution author deserves the gratitude of all students of plebeian magistrates. And if it lasted of comparative politics for his bold and lucid from 639 to 594, it seems impossible attempt, from which no one could fail to that should not have heard more derive instruction, to grapple with a most of it, either by direct historical record, or difficult and perplexing problem. by the indirect evidence of democratic reforms carried during those forty-five years.

A. H. COOKE. The five Georgic and Demiurgic archons must have made a very bad use of their time Römische Geschichte. Von THEODOR MOMMSEN, if they failed to carry against their four Fünfter Band. Die Provinzen von Caesar bis Eupatrid brethren nothing more than the Diocletian. Berlin. Weidmann. 1885. 9 M. legal reforms of Draco. Nor is it easy to see how the author of (Arist.) Pol. ij. 8, It is thirty years since Dr. Mommsen pubcould have called such a constitution άριστο- lished the third volume of his Roman κρατία λίαν άκρατος. .

History. He has at last given us out of its One or two minor points remain which proper order vol. v. The reasou for the seem open to critici.m. It is stated (p. 23) delay and the change of order hang together. that 'in B.C. 411 the total number of citizens The interval has been largel; occupied with


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