afternoon. However a familiar passage in Aristophanes (Birds 1498 sqq.) is quite decisive. Prometheus, coming on the stage under shelter of an umbrella, lest Zeus should see his traitorous correspondence with the enemies of the gods, asks anxiously what o'clock it is. ΠΡ. πηνίκ' ἐστὶν ἄρα τῆς ἡμέρας ; ΠΕ. δπηνίκα ; σμικρόν τι μετὰ μεσημβρίαν. ἀλλὰ σὺ τίς εἰ ; ΠΡ. βουλυτὸς, ἢ περαιτέρω ; Here as the fun consists in Prometheus' anxiety to know the exact time of day to a minute, we may be certain that Bouλurós means the earliest time after midday which had a designation at all. It must have followed very closely after noon, since Prometheus supposes that the hour may be later (repairépw) than βουλυτός, and still be only a little after noon (σμικρόν τι μετὰ μεσημβρίαν). Thus Eustathius definition of Bouλurós is correct; it was either noon or shortly after noon. Horace supports this interpretation of Bouλutós by describing the time when oxen are unyoked as the hour when the shadows of the mountains are changing: sol ubi montium Mutaret umbras et juga demeret Bobus fatigatis. (Carm. iii. 6, 41 897.) For before noon the shadows fall westward, after noon they fall eastward, and the time when the change of shadows takes place is just at or after noon. therefore is the hour of βουλυτός. This Elsewhere than in Greece it has been the custom to stop the day's ploughing at noon. In ancient Wales (Seebohm's English Village Community, p. 124 sq.) "it would seem that a day's ploughing ended at midday, because in the legal description of a complete ox it is required to plough only to midday. The Gallic word for the acre or strip, journel,' in the Latin of the monks 'jurnalis,' and sometimes diurnalis,' also points to a day's ploughing; while the German word morgen' for the same strips in the German open fields still more clearly points to a day's work which ended, like the Welsh cyvar' at noon." It is doubtless a mark of primitive husbandry when the ploughing stops for the day at noon. At a more advanced stage of agriculture, the ploughing is resumed after the midday rest. In Aberdeenshire, I am told, the horses are unyoked from the plough about noon; after a rest they are yoked again and plough till toward evening. Hence in Aberdeenshire the morning and afternoon ploughing is each called a 'yoking.' Cf. jugum, jugerum. In this case there are two βουλυτοί, one at midday and one at evening; and writers of a later age, familiar with the custom of ploughing till evening, might use Bouλurós vaguely in the sense of evening, as appears to have been done by Aratus (825 sqq., with the Schol. βουλύσιος δὲ ὥρην τὴν δύσιν κεκληκε) and a poet in the Anthology (ornp Bouλvroio, cited by L. and S.). But the use of Bovλurós to mark one definite hour of the day could hardly have originated at a time when there were two separate Bovλurol in a day. Hence from the fact that in Greece down to the time of Aristophanes at least, and (judging from the state. ment of Eustathius) probably much later, the term Boulurós was so used to designate one particular hour of the day (namely the time immediately after midday), we may infer that in early Greece, as in Wales and Germany, ploughing regularly stopped for the day at noon. J. G. FRAZER. COINS ATTACHED TO THE FACE.-IN the June number of the Classical Review, Mr. W. R. Paton explained Pindar's ἀργυρωθεῖσαι πρόσωπα ἀοιδαί, πο doubt correctly, by the modern Greek custom of a musician sticking on his face the silver coins which he receives as payment. It is perhaps worth pointing out that the ancients attached silver coins by means of wax to statues from which they believed they had derived benefit (Lucian, Philopseudes, 20). This custom has also survived in modern times, for in Rhodes Sir Charles Newton saw people sticking gold coins with wax on the faces of saints (Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, I., p. 187), and in a church in Lesbos he saw a gold coin stuck on the face of the Panagia, and was told that it was a native offering for recovery from sickness (id. II., p. 4). In the distant island of Celebes when a young man is pleased with a girl at a spinning festival, he sticks a silver coin on her brow so that it adheres; if it is not returned to him, his suit is accepted (B. F. Matthes, Einige Eigenthümlichkeiten in den Festen und Gewohnheiten der Makassaren und Buginesen, p. 4, tiré du vol. II. des Travaux de la 6e session du Congrès international des Orientalistes à Leide). J. G. FRAZER. THESE Conjectures seem to me probable : ὑφ ̓ ὧν σὺ λαμπρῶς κοὐδὲν αἰνικτηρίως From Tŵyde I have given the reading of M as represented by Wecklein who uses an asterisk to mark erasures. I feel sure that μέλλουσ ̓ ἔσεσθαι is sound and that should be replaced by & (an independent conjecture of my own though previously made by Futsche). But the real corruption lies in the last words, the source of the difficulty being, as the MS shows, some obliteration in an earlier MS. by which the letter coming after poo was illegible. The Aeschylean words I take to have been TOIATPOCMENEICETI but the A was so nearly obliterated as to be read as A and the M irrecognizable. Tŵyde was a natural correction of ΤΟΙΔ when σ' ἔτι was misread σε τι. The words bear an appropriate meaning. 'Such high estate still awaits thee.' (2) Id. 969. σέβου προσεύχου, θῶστε τὸν κρατοῦντ ̓ ἀεί, The sense is improved if où uèv is read in place of σéßov, the pronoun having given place to a marginal gloss on θώπτε. (3) Thuc. II. 76. ἂς βρόχους τε περιβάλλοντες ἀνέκλων οἱ Πλαταιής κ.τ.λ. Since it is impossible to conceive of the beam of a battering-ram being snapped in this way, I believe that ȧvékλwv arose from faulty transliteration of the Thucydidean ANEIAKON combined with transposition of the K and A. W. GUNION RUTHERFORD. SOPHOCLES, Antigone 782-790. Epws, ds Ev Kтhμασι πίπτεις .. ὁ δ ̓ ἔχων μέμηνεν.-In a note on this passage, published in the Classical Review for July (p. 224), Mr. J. B. Bury says:-'It seems to me an unfortunate idea to introduce into this line the notion of "desire of riches." Commentators have gone wrong,' he proceeds, through not seeing that ἐν κτήμασι πίπτεις means fallest upon the spoil (like a warrior after victory). As my edition of the play had appeared some months before the note above mentioned, I should like to observe that I, at least, am not one of the commentators who have introduced 'the notion of "desire of riches." The drift of my interpretation, 'Love, who makest havoc of wealth,' is, on the contrary, that Love makes men reckless of riches, as of everything else. It is doubtless a mere coincidence that the version of vvvxevels which the writer cites, 'keepest vigil' (he prefers, 'keepest sentry'), is the same as mine; for, had my version been before him, my commentary, on the same page, would also have been under his eye. The version 'spoil,' for Thμaσ, which Bellermann gives ('er stürzt sich auf seine Beute'), is a modification of Schneidewin's, 'Love falls upon his slaves.' The objection to the latter seems to be the use of ктμa, as I have remarked in my Appendix (p. 255) and a similar objection applies to the ver sion, 'spoil.' 'Spoil' here could mean only the persons whom Love subdues. We should require, then, a word capable of implying 'captives,'-an idea which κτήμασι alone certainly would not suggest. With regard to ὁ δ ̓ ἔχων μέμηνεν, the following remarks may be offered. (1) Exwv cannot be dismissed by saying that 'Love is conceived not as a disease but as a warrior.' It is characteristic of Sophoclean imagery (especially in lyrics) that it is sometimes mingled with literal expressions, as I have had occasion to notice on Ant. 117 ff., O.T. 866, 1300. Further, if ἔχων is rejected on this ground, μέμηνεν must go also; since a rigid maintenance of the military metaphor would require kатadedоúλwraι or the like. The objection to the conjecture ékáv is (to my apprehension) that it introduces an anticlimax. With Exwv, the context is,-'none can escape thee, and he to whom thou hast come is mad; the just themselves are ruined by thee.' With exwv,-'none can escape thee (and, indeed, some people do not wish to escape thec); the just themselves are ruined by thee.' Such a parenthesis would be true, but tame. AN EMENDATION IN Euripides. Iphig. in Aul. 722-724. ΚΛΥΤΑΙΜΝΗΣΤΡΑ. R. C. JEBB. ἡμεῖς δὲ θοίνην ποῦ γυναιξὶ θήσομεν ; ἐνθάδε παρ' εὐπρύμνοισιν ̓Αργείων πλάταις. καλῶς ἀναγκαίως τε· συνενέγκοι δ ̓ ὁμῶς. Kaλws in the third line must be wrong and has been altered to κακῶς. ἀναγκαίως on the other hand is an excellent word, but neither is it what Euripides wrote in my opinion. Clytaimnestra being told that her daughter's marriage-feast was to take place beside the ships exclaims indignantly: κάλως ἀν ̓ ἀγκύρας τε ; συνενέγκοι δ ̓ ὁμῶς. 'What among the hawsers and anchors? however be it so, and may good come of it.'-Of course káλs ἐν ἀγκύραις τε is equally probable. ARTHUR PALMER. IN Classical Review, July, 1888, p. 227, Mr. Page quotes the phrase Σαῦλος ὁ καὶ Παῦλος as a distinctly Roman phrase occurring in Luke, and therefore of importance as bearing on his connection with Rome. The phrase is one of a class very common in Greek inscriptions of Asia Minor, and justifies no such inference as Mr. Page draws. 8 Kal is commonly rendered by the Latin qui et: but the Latin phrase is not an early one, and in place of being the original of the Greek, as Mr. Page assumes, is really only a translation. The fact that it is declined on the analogy of τοῦ καί, τῷ καί, shows the influence of its Greek original, which was translated even at the expense of grammar. Many of the cases in which qui et is used are names of Greeks, and therefore only confirm my assertion that the Greek form is the original. Moreover, qui et Asiaticus has not the ring of a true Latin relative-pronominal usage. W. M. RAMSAY. NOTES ON THE TEXT OF THE Διδαχὴ τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων. The text of the Adaxh is a good one and presents few difficulties. It has some clerical errors which are readily removed, but no light has been thrown by conjectural emendation upon any of its less transparent passages, as I have ventured to remark elsewhere in writing upon it. These passages have now been for the most part explained as they stand sufficiently to remove doubts as to the accuracy of the text. One or two expressions, as ίδρωτάτω and ἐκπετάσεως, still need some further discussion or illustration, to which the following notes may serve as a slight contribution. Chapter I. For ίδρωτάτω in the saying, ἱδρωτάτω ἡ ἐλεημοσύνη σου εἰς τὰς χεῖράς σου μέχρις av yvws Tivi dws, it has been proposed (1) to read ἱδρωσάτω from the known form ἱδρόω, and (2), retaining i8pwrάTw as a present imperative from a hapax legomenon idpwráw, to prefix to it the negative μh as a correction of the sense. Neither emendation is necessary or appropriate. For (1), while there is no grammatical objection to the form i8pw TáT w, a present imperative suits the context and an aorist i8pwodтw does not, since the context implies a continuing process: Let thine alms go-on-sweating into thine hands until thou know to whom thou shouldest give,' whatever 'sweat' may mean. Winer gives examples of the present and aorist imperative in the same verses of the New Testament, as ἄρατε...καὶ μὴ ποιειτε κ. τ. λ., 'Take these things at once hence, and make not as a practice my Father's house a house of merchandise.' But And (2) the negative is not required, for there is no such contradiction as has been assumed between this saying and the preceding, 'give to everyone that asketh,' but the one is addressed to a class of persons to whom the other is not applicable. When it is said that a man is to give freely ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χαρ ισμάτων it implied that he has the means. what if he has to sweat (Gen. iii. 19) for his living and has nothing to spare? Then let his alms sweat into his hands, let him labour (кowiάтw) that he may have to give to him that ncedeth' (Eph. iv. 28). It is not contemplated that such a person will be asked to give or lend, but when he has accumulated a little by driblets he must think well how he shall bestow it, οὐ γάρ τὸν ἐμὸν ἱδρῶτα καὶ φειδωλίαν οὐδὲν πρὸς ἔπος οὕτως ἀνοήτως ἐκβαλῶ πρὶν ἂν ἐκπύθωμαι πᾶν τὸ πρᾶγμ ̓ ὅπως ἔχει. It is possible that the Aidaxh is referred to in Q. 88 of the Quaestiones ad Antiochum Ducem, xal &λλos 1 The iota subscript is not written in the manuscript. πάλιν ὁ μισθὸς τοῦ γεωπόνου ἐξ ἰδίου ἱδρῶτος ποιοῦντος συμπάθειαν, καὶ ἕτερος ὁ τοῦ ἄρχοντος τοῦ ἀπὸ δώρων καὶ προσόδων παρέχοντος (Migne xxviii. 651). Professor Skeat has called my attention to the following passage of Piers Plowman (B. vii. 73), in connexion with the two sayings of the Aidaxh, Give to every one that asketh and Let thine alms sweat into thine hands : 'Catoun kenneth men thus, and the clerke of the stories, Cui des videto, is Catounes techinge; And in the stories he techeth to bistowe thyn almes ; Sit elemosina tua in manu tua, donec studes cui des. Ac Gregori was a gode man, and bade vs gyuen alle That asketh, for his love that vs alle leneth.' The saying, Sit elemosina tua &c., looks like a corruption and perversion of, Sudet elemosina tua in manus tuas, donec scias cui des, Chapter IV. 'My child, thou shalt remember night and day him that speaketh to thee the word of the Lord, and shalt honour him as the Lord... And thou shalt seek out day by day the faces of the saints ἵνα ἐπαναπαῆς τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῶν. 1. In illustration of the former av aтañs compare in the Shepherd of Hermas: Vis. i. 3, 3, μετὰ τὸ παῆναι αὐτῆς τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα λέγει μοι κ. τ. λ. Vis. iii. 9, 1, ὑμεῖς δὲ οὐ θέλετε παῆναι ἀπὸ τῆς πονηρίας ὑμῶν. Sim. ix. 5, 2, μerà dè rò åvaxwpñoai návras kal ἀναπαῆναι λέγω τῷ ποιμένι κ.τ.λ. It 2. The Adaxh was divided into chapters by its editor Bryennius, not always quite rightly. The beginning of his eleventh chapter clearly belongs to the preceding; and chapter iii should perhaps extend to the words ἵνα ἐπαναπαῆς τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῶν. would thus comprise the whole series of sayings beginning severally with Téкvov μov, and relating to the Commandments of the Decalogue in the order, 6, 7 and 2, 8, 9, 5 (Matt. xix. 19), an arrangement which I have endeavoured to explain elsewhere. The sayings which follow, as being of a different character, and not addressed to the 'child' in the faith, would then stand very appropriately at the beginning of a chapter. Chapter X. 1. πρὸ πάντων εὐχαριστοῦμέν σοι ὅτι δυνατὸς εἶ σύ· ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, The editions read... ὅτι δυνατὸς εἶ· σοὶ ἡ δόξα κ. τ.λ., but it is simpler to read σοῦ ἡ δοξα κ.τ.λ., since σοῦ is nearer in letters and sound to σú. Irenaeus writes to the effect, 'Rursus autem passionem Domini typum esse dicentes extensionis Christi superioris,' of which the Greek must have been TEKT Á σEWS K. T. λ. (Adv. H. IV. 35, 3. Cf. IV. I and VII. 2). Whatever be the precise meaning of this, it supplies an analogue to the absolute use of ἐκπετάσεως in the Διδαχή. Notice in Job xxxvi. 26 the alternative versions, àv σvvậ ἐπέκτασιν νεφέλης, and ἐκπετασμούς κ. τ. λ., comparing xxvi. 9, ἐκπετάζων ἐπ' αὐτὸν νέφος αὐτοῦ. The use of èmékтaσis to denote cruciform extension may have been very early, the Gnostics whom Irenaeus quotes being perhaps responsible only for their peculiar application of it to the upper world; and so too may have been the use of ἐκπέτασις in the Διδαχή. C. TAYLOR. LACTANTIUS AND ORIENTIUS. — Teuffel in his History of Roman Literature, ed. 1882, remarks (§ 464-8) that the Commonitorium of Orientius 'scheint sich besonders an Lactant. Inst. anzuschliessen.' I am not minutely acquainted with Lactantius, but I venture to doubt Teuffel's statement. One expects, of course, a good deal of difference to exist between 300 and 400 A.D.; for instance, it would be unreasonable to expect much about monks from Lactantius (Or. Comm., ii. 336). But the dissimilarities between the two writers seem to go beyond this. For instance, Orientius advocates celibacy (i. 390-440), Lactantius regards it as the exception, possible only to a very few (vi. 23). Orientius describes the future life and the end of the world in general language that is common to many writers (ii. 270, 350); Lactantius works out details from the Apocalypse (vii. 14-26). Generally, the vices and virtues dwelt on by the one are slightly touched by the other, and in the minor points of style and diction I have found no real resemblance. Even the biblical quotations are different throughout. I have ventured to raise this question because Mr. Ellis in his preface says nothing about the sources of Orientius. May I (as I hope) correct another detail in Teuffel l.c. The line non ignarus enim, &c. (i. 405) has no reference to the troubles brought on Gaul by the Vandals in 406 A.D. As the context shows, it means 'I was a man of like passions with yourself.' F. HAVERFIELD. A CORRECTION. SIR,-In my notice of Mr. Roberts's work, which was published in the last number of the Classical Review, without my having seen the proof sheets, I am made responsible for the monstrous word àσƑpuμaxlav (p. 195). As I cannot expect that many readers would take the trouble to correct it from my paper (Jour. Hell. Stud. 1881, p. 223), may I be allowed to explain that the point which I wished to bring out was that (according to the interpretation of the symbol which is accepted by all recent German writers on Greek dialects) we have p preceded by digamma at the beginning of a word, whereas, on the interpretation followed in the work I was reviewing, we have up at the beginning of a word: the former is a possibility, the latter an impossibility. But, as I do not know what the word is which begins with Fp, and as I wished to put my meaning in the briefest terms possible, I inserted in my table the first eleven symbols of the line where the word occurs, and in my text used the expression actual or possible Greek words,' intending the reader to gather from this that my interpretation had the advantage over the other of giving a possible beginning of a Greek word. At first I wrote the word beginning at F, but as I wished not to give even the appearance of proposing a word Fpvμaxiar, I inserted the two preceding letters, and intended the reader to gather from the want of a breathing over a that I did not quote a single word. The printer however, unable to endure Greek symbols without breathing or accent, defeated my purpose by inserting both. The fact that the review was written partly in Athens and partly in Smyrna, and that I had not with me my own copy of the book, with notes of the points which I intended to touch on, must be also my excuse for an inaccuracy in the note on p. 195, 'too late to be of use for Mr. Roberts's work.' The article in question is noticed at length in his addenda nova, p. 377. This inaccuracy does not affect the point which I wished to make: that Mr. Roberts sometimes admits restorations and theories from German epigraphists without sufficiently sharp criticism, and that no. 24 (p. 60) is an example. Had I seen the proofs I should by one or two slight changes of expression have marked more clearly my intention in criticising the book, and my general impression that its faults were easily corrected, while its usefulness was certain to be great. W. M. RAMSAY. ARCHAEOLOGY. Das Ionische Capitell. Siebenund vierzigstes Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste der archaeologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin, von Orro PUCHSTEIN. Berlin: Druck und Verlag von Georg Reimer. 3 Mk. THE influence of Winckelmann upon the archaeological studies of the present age is underrated by those who judge of the man by his writings alone. Learned and appreciative as his books are, they need, it is true, rarely be consulted to-day either by the specialist or by the general reader. But as one of the earliest and greatest furtherers of practical research Winckelmann will always remain, as Puchstein calls him in the present essay, our ἥρως καὶ κτίστης. Winckelmann's cherished design, the excavation of the Olympian altis, has been accomplished by his countrymen after a delay of more than a century, and its results bear the proudest testimony to his insight and suggestiveness. His influence in directing attention to the material remains of antiquity is of far greater importance than his attainments as a chamber scholar. First among the great archaeologists of Germany to remove the sphere of his life and labours from the dusty libraries of the north to classic lands, he is justly celebrated as an intellectual pioneer by the very schools upon which he turned his back. The Winckelmannsfeste, founded by the Archaeological Institute at Rome, and held by nearly all the German universities, pay an annual tribute to his memory. And it is worthy of note that the programmes of these festivals, already forming a valuable collection of scientific observations, generally deal with material, rather than literary, aspects of classic learning. They are not such essays as Winckelmann himself wrote, but such as he would have written. Papers like that by Doerpfeld and his colleagues on the employment of terra-cotta revetments in Greek architecture, or that by Adler on the original form of the Pantheon, are certainly an incomparably rich fruit of Winckelmann's Remarks on the Architecture of the Ancients. This latest contribution, having for its subject the Ionic capital, takes good rank amongst its prede cessors. In a short introduction the writer has himself characterized the plan of his work. It is neither a laudatory discourse upon one of the most attractive creations of Greek art, nor a revision of the many theories which have from time to time been advanced to explain the origin of the volute; it is, in the main, a critical treatise, in which the Ionic capitals hitherto brought to light are classed according to the age and geographical distribution of the various types. To facilitate this classification the conventional forms of the member are at the outset defined according to the description given by Vitruvius. The usual method of the historian of Greek architecture is thus reversed. Hereby much has been gained. No previous writer has succeeded so well in separating the diverse renderings of this decorative motif into groups, or in determining the influence which certain prominent and individually excellent forms have exercised upon the Ionic capitals of the later Greek and Roman styles. Thus, to take a single instance, the most familiar and in many ways the most important type, we can trace the transformation of the capital of the Athenian Propylaea-undoubtedly to be ascribed in considerable part to the creative genius of Maesikles-through imitations more or less close in the temple upon the Ilissos, the prostylos of Nike Apteros, and the greater and smaller Propylaes of Eleusis, to its utter debasement in the aqueduct of Hadrian. It may be remarked, parenthetically, that the capital of the Philippeion at Olympia, which Puchstein designates as a second Peloponnesian type, appears in like manner to be directly dependent upon the Athenian model. This form of capital, to be called the Mnesik lean, is of peculiar interest to us, inasmuch as it was that which, in its debasement, was chiefly imitated by the Italian architects of the Renaissance, and is even to-day in most common use. The present work does not provide us with materials for tracing the origin and growth of the Ionic capital of the Romans, which Puchstein evidently considers to have been based upon the Asiatic style of the Diadochi rather than upon any more immediate transformation of the Attic. He finds in the third book of Vitruvius internal evidence which, it must be admitted, makes it probable that the account of the Ionic style given by the Roman maestro muratore was taken in considerable part from some treatise written by Hermogenes, the architect of the temples of Magnesia and Teos. Hence it is argued that the description of the capital, given in the fifth chapter, corresponds to the Asiatic type, which was itself more closely related to the Mnesiklean form than Puchstein appears to have recognized. In the lack of adequate information concerning the first of these two monuments, and of trustworthy illustration of the second (the drawings of the Teos capital given by Revett and Pullan being altogether dissimilar), this hypothesis is not capable of definite proof or refutation. Nevertheless the Hellenic debasement of the Propylaea capital, such as that of the Philippeion, or that which subsequently appeared in Athens upon Hadrian's aqueduct, bears sufficient resemblance to the Ionic capital described by Vitruvius to warrant the belief that it was the Attic rather than a more remote and much less independent form of this member which served as a model to the Roman imitators of Greek architectural details. Historical as well as technical arguments might be adduced in support of this view. Puchstein seems to the reviewer to have employed a truly Procrustean method in dealing with the dimensions of the Attic capitals of this series. In the endeavour to prove them to have been designed in accordance with the Attic foot of 295.7 mm., divided into sixteen daktyls, he subjects the actual measurements to a distortion which in certain cases alters the lengths and heights by fully one-tenth of their total amount. The given tables of the sizes of the capitals of Athens and Eleusis contain over forty measurements-not a single one of which agrees absolutely with its hypothetical length, as calculated from units of the Attic foot. The ascertained dimensions are accordingly adjusted to suit the theory. As the calculation is based upon the daktyl, or occasionally even the half-daktyl, equal to little over nine mm., and as the known figures are altered in some cases by as much as eleven mm., a very complete table of ancient units is the result. In the aesthetics of architecture units of measurement and systems of proportions are dangerous playthings! It is however in the references to the history of the development of the perfected Ionic capital of the Greeks that the author seems most at fault. This is perhaps a disadvantage of the novel method of treatment, the inverse of the historical, which in respect to the classification of contemporary examples has unquestionably led to such good results. To touch upon a single point: all connection is denied between the more familiar archaic type and the capital with upright volutes, examples of which have been found in Cyprus, in the Troad, in Lesbos, and, most recently, among the remains upon the acropolis of Athens antedating the Persian invasion. This is done upon the untenable ground that the horizontal spiral is a purely linear ornament, while the vertical spiral is nothing more than a floral form in linear presentation. It is impossible to admit this artificial distinction. No more striking disproof of such a theory could be desired than the Ionic capitals of the two types, found during the past year side by side, and published by Borrmann in the last issue of the Antike Denkmaeler. There is nothing whatever in the treatment of these characteristic examples to indicate that any distinction was made by the archaic designer between the two forms, or that the one was of floral while the other was of linear origin. There is nothing which could tend to prevent an assimilation of the two types through the combination of their various advantages. Puchstein maintains that the canalis of the horizontal variety could not have been derived from a transformation of the upright volutes, as the juncture of the helices, cutting through the central palmetto, would contradict the regular and consequential development of Greek architectural forms. The fallacy of this argument will be made clear by a comparison of the archaic or provincially archaistic capital of the Lycian Antiphellos (Fig. 26 in the present essay), which, with its inorganic juncture between the volutes and its displaced anthemion, illustrates a stage of evolution precisely intermediate between such capitals as that of Neandreia (Fig. 46) on the one hand, and such as that surmounting the votive column of Alkimachos (Fig. 6) on the other. Let the volute and anthemion of the proto-Ionic capital be derived as they may,-whether from Assyrian sources, through Cappadocia, Phrygia and Phoenicia, or from ornamental renderings of the Egyptian lotus, as is maintained in a paper by Goodyear (Egyptian origin of the Ionic capital and of the Anthemion, in the American Journal of Archaeology, July-Dec., 1887), published subsequently to Puchstein's essay, it is plain that both the vertical and horizontal varieties are to be placed in the same rank, and that it was solely through the combination of a projecting kyma with the volutes, common to both, that the Greeks developed those inimitable masterpieces-the Ionic capitals of the Athenian Propylaea and Erechtheion. JOSEPH THACHER CLARKE. THEOCRITUS IDYLL. VII. HALEIS AND PYXA. Among the inscriptions I have met with here, and which I hope to publish shortly, are three which give us information about the places mentioned in the 7th Idyll of Theocritus. The first, found in the village of Pyli, is a resolution, in which a gold crown is conferred upon a physician by ' τοὶ κατοικεῦντες ἐν τῷ δάμῳ τῶν ̔Αλεντίων καὶ τοὶ ἐνεκτημένοι καὶ τοὶ γέωρ γεῦντες ἐν Αλεντι καὶ Πέλῃ. Πέλη is obviously the ancient form of the name of the village now usually written Πηλί. Πέλη formed part of the deme of Haleis. Haleis proper-the village or district which gave its name to the deme-is evidently to be sought in the plain near the Halike or Salt-lake: the whole territory of the deme probably corresponded roughly to that of the modern village. Theocritus and his two friends were walking to Haleis. They had not gone half way when they met Lycidas, who accompanied them for a short distance and then turned to the left, and went on to Пúέa. Beneath the village of Asphendiu, at the spot where the high-road crosses the second river to the E. of the Halike, I found two tomb-stones erected by the 'dauos ὁ Φυξιωτᾶν. It is probable that the deme of Φύξα was conterminous with that of "Axes, and that its territory included the hill-village of Aspendus (evidently an ancient name) and the plain to the È. of the salt lake. The spot where Theocritus and Lycidas parted must have been situated in this deme, so we must suppose that there was a village of úta which gave its name to the deme, and which lay to the S. of the direct road to Haleis. Should we restore dúas for Пúas in the text of Theocritus (vii. 130)? I have no access here to the Scholiast, who, it seems, gives us some information. But I should like to be able to identify the paradise described in the beautiful lines at the close of the poem. It may have been to the N. W. of the hill marked 680 ft. in the chart, where there is a spring abundant enough to turn a mill in the summer time. neglect has robbed the site of its charm, for the water, formerly carried away by an aqueduct, has been allowed to stagnate in the low ground to the N., and now in order to realise the description of Theocritus we must go up to the lovely villages of Pyli, and Asphendiu, where we still find, not indeed wine to make Polyphemus dance, but multitude of running waters, and the deep shade of ancient trees. Cos, June 25. W. R. PATON. [The Scholiast to 1. 130 says of Пúžas: Пúa dîμos τῆς Κῶ, ἢ τόπος οὕτως ὀνομαζόμενος, παρὰ τὴν φύξιν τοῦ 'Ηρακλέους τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Κῴων γενομένην. Another Scholiast says : οἱ μὲν τὸν ἐν Κῷ δῆμον· οἱ δὲ τόπον, ἐν ᾧ ἱερὸν ̓Απόλλωνος, ἀφ ̓ οὗ Πύξιος λέγεται· ήγουν τὴν ἐπὶ Πύξαν φέρουσαν ὁδὸν ἐβάδιζεν. ἢ Πύξα ὄνομα πόλεως, ἀφ ̓ οὗ καὶ Πύξιος ̓Απόλλων καὶ Πάν· ήγουν Φύξα τις ὤν. ἐκεῖθεν γὰρ ἔφυγεν Ηρακλῆς, αίφνης ἐπιθεμένων αὐτῷ τῶν Κῴων : so that the substitution of gas for Пúas in the text, as Mr. Paton suggests, is probably justifiable. As to Haleis, we are merely told that it might be either the place or the deme of that name in Kos: and the derivation is given variously as από τινος Αλεντος, ἀπὸ Αλεντίου τινὸς βασιλέως, and ἀπὸ ̓Αλύντου βασιλέως. C. S.] BRITISH MUSEUM. The arrangement of the terra-cottas in the Room recently vacated by the collection of Glass and Majolica is now nearly completed; and the Old Print Room, which is intended for the exhibition of the fine collection of Greek and Roman reliefs, is undergoing the necessary alterations. The floor of the new Room, which it is hoped will be finished by the 1 Refer throughout to the Admiralty chart of the island. |