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GALLATIN TO COMMITTEE FOR SELECTION OF OFFICERS FOR

PIUS IX. MEETING.

57 BLEEKER ST., November 27, 1847. GENTLEMEN,—I had the honor to receive yesterday your letter of 24th instant, requesting my attendance at the meeting to be held on the 29th to express the sympathy with which the American people regard the efforts of Pius IX. and of the Italian people in behalf of constitutional liberty.

No one feels more sympathy for these efforts than I do. No one desires more earnestly that Italy may be released from foreign dominion and from arbitrary rule, and that the Italian people may enjoy the blessings of religious, political, and civil liberty. Nothing can be more gratifying, more worthy of admiration, than the noble and enlightened policy of Pius the Ninth. He has placed confidence in his own people, called them to his aid, and fearlessly restored to them the rights and legitimate powers of free citizens. These sentiments are universally those of the American people.

I am confined by a severe cold, and will not be able to attend the meeting; permit me to say that it would be inconsistent with my sense of propriety that I should appear to be vice-president of a meeting at which I was not present.

I beg leave to observe that my name has no weight abroad. If I was treated with consideration whilst employed in foreign missions, this was due to my official character and to the confidence with which I had been honored on these and other occasions by the people of the United States.

GALLATIN TO THOS. W. WARD.

NEW YORK, 10th December, 1847. MY DEAR SIR,—Your letter approving my peace pamphlet was extremely gratifying to me; and if you think it of any practical use, means must be adopted for its extensive circulation, either in the pamphlet form, or through newspapers and other periodicals. We have already circulated 4000 copies of the pamphlet gratuitously. I supplied the funds, and we are now organizing a plan of subscription for this State, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. But beyond these we must be assisted. I have had the pamphlet stereotyped, and we can supply any demand at 20 dollars per thousand copies.

We have to contend against tremendous odds. Every newspaper in the Union will publish the President's message, which will be read by one to two millions of individuals. The pamphlet will not be published entire in twenty newspapers (as yet in four,—Washington, New York, Utica, and Hartford).

The approximate number of white males above twenty-one years of age was, according to the census of 1840, about as follows:

3,140,000

The six New England States,

760,000 New York, 790,000, New Jersey, 120,000 910,000 Pennsylvania and Delaware,

500,000 The six free-labor Western States and Territories,

910,000 > 970,000
Add for greater ratio of increase, 60,000
The six Atlantic slave-holding States,
Maryland to Florida,

670,000 The seven Western

do.

690,000

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Texas is not included; and, though but an approximation,

l the above is sufficient for ascertaining how the copies of the pamphlet should be distributed among the various sections of the country. The ratio of increase since 1810 is undoubtedly much greater in the West; but they have a much smaller number of readers in proportion to their population.

Now, supposing 90,000 copies of the pamphlet to be put in circulation and distributed gratuitously, they will cost but 1800 dollars; and the share of New England would be, in round numbers, 15 thousand copies, costing 300 dollars. But there will be other expenses to be incurred, such as transportation, compensation to religious periodicals, &c., and the desirable sum for New England would be 600 dollars. Now, what I have to ask is this : 1st, can you raise by subscription in Boston the said

sum of $600 for that purpose ? 2dly, will there be found, in Boston or its vicinity, persons who will undertake to distribute in a proper manner the said 15,000 copies throughout the six New England States ? of which, under existing circumstances, Maine is perhaps the most important.

If this be practicable, you will, in Boston and its vicinity, understand much better than I can the mode of distribution that will be most effective. As we are now organized in this city for the same general purpose, I may say that our object has been to select those who have most intelligence and influence.

We have accordingly concluded to send one copy to each clergyman of every denomination whatever (and I suppose that there must be at least 6000 in the six New England States); to each theological seminary, and to each seminary of learning, whether college or academy, a number of copies proportioned to their respective importance; to each member of the Legislature of every State, to each editor of newspapers or other periodical, and to each deputy postmaster, a copy.

You may have perceived that in my essay I have confined myself to moral feelings and arguments, and that I have abstained from making any allusion to fiscal considerations and money matters. I think that, if at peace, we should have nothing serious to apprehend in that respect. But if the war with Mexico is to be continued six months longer, at the same rate of expense and on the same principles as heretofore and as now recommended by the President; if, in consequence of this, the revenue on imports, of which nine-tenths are collected in four or five Atlantic seaports (after having been paid immediately on the landing of the merchandise, or on its being withdrawn from the public warehouses), after having been thus advanced, shall, instead of being distributed according to the natural laws of trade, continue to be immediately transferred to New Orleans, Mexico, or the other few places where the expenses are incurred, I do seriously apprehend the consequences. This may be still further aggravated if specie continues to be exported to Europe. I wish to have your opinion on those matters; but, in the mean while, do not mention my name as connected with such apprehensions. I have some weight in that respect, particularly as relates to the maintaining of specie payments; and creating an alarm might hasten a catastrophe, which it is my earnest wish may be prevented. Yet, as material and tangible practical considerations have far more influence than appeals to justice and elevated feelings, some mode must be devised to make the people, and principally the members of Congress, aware of the dangers, not at all remote, to which they will be exposed by complying with the views and recommendations of the Executive. Reflect well upon this, and communicate your views to

me.

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I will thank you to let me know, as soon as possible, whether my wishes for the circulation and distribution of my peace essay can be fulfilled.

I remain, with great regard, your friend and servant.

GALLATIN TO EDWARD EVERETT.

NEW YORK, December 16, 1817. DEAR SIR, I send you a copy of my pamphlet on peace with Mexico, and hope that your views on that subject coincide substantially with mine. If it be so, I earnestly wish your co-operation in having it properly distributed.

I am persuaded that the only moral element which can successfully counteract the spirit of conquest, cupidity, and false glory which has taken possession of the people of the United States, is the deep religious feeling which providentially still pervades the whole country. We are accordingly sustained almost universally by the clergy of every denomination in this city and its vicinity, and there is reason to hope that they will assist in promoting the object in view as far as is consistent with their profession and position.

Thus encouraged, a plan has been organized, in concert with some distinguished citizens, for a special distribution of 90,000 copies of the pamphlet, and a subscription has been made which will enable us to supply gratuitously the States of New York and New Jersey, and partly Pennsylvania and Delaware. Beyond

these limits we must be assisted; but, as the pamphlet has been stereotyped, we can supply any demand at the rate of $20 per 1000.

The approximate number of white male citizens of the United States above twenty-one years of age, as deduced from the census of 1810, may be estimated as follows:

3,140,000

The six New England States,

760,000 New York, 790,000, New Jersey, 120,000,

910,000 Pennsylvania and Delaware,

500,000 The six free-labor Western States and Territories,

910,000 970,000 Add for greater ratio of increase,

60,000 The six Atlantic slave-holding States, Maryland to Florida,

670,000 The seven Western do.,

690,000

1,360,000

4,500,000

The 90,000 copies would cost $1800, and the share of New England would be, in round numbers, 15,000, costing 300 dollars.

Now, what I have to ask is, 1st, can a sum be raised by subscription for that purpose ? 2dly, will there be found, in Boston or its vicinity, persons who will undertake to distribute in a proper manner the said 15,000 copies throughout the six New England States ? Under existing circumstances, Maine is, perhaps, the most important.

If this be practicable, you will, in Boston and its vicinity, understand much better than I can the mode of distribution that will be most effective. We have to contend against tremendous odds. Every newspaper in the Union will publish the President's message, and it will be read by one or two millions of people. The pamphlet will not be published entire in twenty newspapers. It is only by a special distribution, and by selecting those who have most intelligence and influence, that we can hope for success.

We have accordingly concluded here to send one copy to each clergyman of every denomination whatever; one copy also to each member of the Legislature of every State, to each editor of a newspaper or other periodical, and to each village deputy

VOL. 11.-43

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