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THE WAR OF ORMUZD AND AHRIMAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
HENRY WINTER DAVIS
Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1852
affairs alliance allies ambition American arms army Assembly Austria authority battle blood called cause civil combination constitution continued court crown Czar dangerous demand dependent despotic despotic power devotion Diet Emperor empire England English equally Europe European example existence fate fear felt field followed force foreign formal France freedom French Germany guard hands head Holy hopes hostility Hungarian Hungary ideas Imperial independence interests Italy King kingdom liberal liberty light Louis maintain March means meet ment military monarch Napoleon nation never once passed peace Poland political popular President princes principles promises protection provinces ready refused relations Republic rest result revolution revolutionary royal ruin rule Russia safety sovereign Spain spirit subjects success suppression sword things threatened throne tion treaty troops voice whole
Side 404 - It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness...
Side 402 - The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellowmen on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do.
Side 386 - With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Side 402 - This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.
Side 414 - ... from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice shall counsel.
Side 402 - In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense.
Side 403 - But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.
Side 381 - Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Side 403 - The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain.