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CHAPTER XXXIX.

YOUNG IRELAND-O'BRIEN'S DEFIANCE OF PARLIAMENT— HIS IMPRISONMENT FOR CONTEMPT-HIS GREAT SPEECH-PANIC LEGISLATION-O'BRIEN'S INSURRECTION, TRIAL, SENTENCE, AND DEATH.

O'CONNELL'S efforts, after his imprisonment and release, and dur

ing the early part of the famine until his death, were, though persistent, of the feeblest and most inconsequential character. As his brain softened more and more, he daily became less Irish and more Catholic. Apparently conscious of his feebleness, he became jealous of the rivalry of younger men. This caused a split in the repeal camp, and led to the recognition of the party known as "Young Ireland.” The chief man of the party was William Smith O'Brien, brother to Sir Lucius O'Brien, Bart., a gentleman of the first family in Munster. He was a Protestant, and a man of education, family, and fortune. most prominent associates were John Mitchel, the son of a Unitarian minister of Ulster, said to be a man of education and ability, and editor of The United Irishman; Mr. Meagher, a gentleman of the north of Ireland; and Charles Gavan Duffy, the editor of The Nation, was also prominently involved.

His

The members of this party were bent upon carrying forward the repeal movement, free from sectarian jealousies; at the same time they had arrived at the conviction that the Union Parliament was impervious to peaceful demonstrations, and their tendencies were in the direction of resorting to physical force. O'Connell, in addition to becoming more Catholic, had always advocated the avoidance of physical force, and he openly denounced "Young Ireland" in Conciliation

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Hall. This caused hesitation in the ranks of supporters and the withdrawal of O'Brien and the Young Ireland party from connection with O'Connell, but some elements of unity still remained amongst the Repealers. O'Connell and William Smith O'Brien, though opposed on many points, were agreed in showing their contempt of Parliament by declining to attend early in the session of 1846. They were summoned and implored to appear, but they replied that they were attending to more important business. Eventually they appeared in their places on the 13th of March, and were immediately named upon railway committees. O'Brien, on being notified of his appointment, wrote to the chairman of the Committee of Selection, saying that as long as he continued to believe that he could serve Ireland effectually in the House of Commons, he shrank from none of the labours which were connected with the various functions of that assembly; but, desiring that none but the representatives of the Irish nation should legislate for Ireland, he had no wish to intermeddle with the affairs of England or Scotland, except in so far as they might be connected with the interests of Ireland, or with the general policy of the empire. He said that, in obedience to that principle, he had abstained from voting on English and Scotch questions of a local nature; and the same motive now induced him to decline attendance on committees on any private bill, except such as related to Ireland. The chairman replied that the committee would regulate their proceedings so as to make his attendance as little inconvenient to himself as possible, but he answered that he felt exceedingly indebted for the courtesy and consideration evinced, but, since his objection to serve upon committees on English and Scotch private bills was founded upon the relations at present subsisting between his country and Great Britain, and not upon a regard for his own personal convenience, he referred to his former communication as announcing his final determination.

A former letter of O'Brien's was referred to, in which he wrote, "Experience and observation at length forced upon my mind the conviction that the British Parliament is incompetent, through want of knowledge, if not through want of inclination, to legislate wisely for Ireland, and

that our national interests can be protected and fostered only through the instrumentality of an Irish legislature."

This was the most distinct practical protest against the legislative Union that had ever been made in Parliament, and it was brought before the House of Commons on the 28th of April, when it was moved "That W. S. O'Brien, Esq., having disobeyed the order of the House, by refusing to attend the committee to which the railway group, No. 11, has been referred, has been guilty of a contempt of this House." This was carried by 133 to 13. It was then moved that he should be committed to the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms, which, after an adjourned debate, was carried without a division. On the 30th of April, the Serjeant-at-Arms reported that he had taken Mr. William Smith O'Brien into custody. There was no clock-tower chamber then, and he was imprisoned in a cellar under the House. From thence he wrote to Mr. Roche, saying, "Suffering from the injustice of the British House of Commons, I expect nothing from its generosity. I shall make no further appeal to the House. Yesterday, I was extremely anxious to have been allowed to speak on my own behalf before my committal to prison as a culprit. I shall not again condescend to solicit even this trifling favour. I beg most anxiously and earnestly to request you to inform the House that I am no party to any motion for my discharge." Notwithstanding this defiant attitude, he was discharged on May the 26th.

These events made the rupture in the repeal ranks complete. Large numbers of repealers denounced O'Connell for not refusing to serve on the committee which O'Brien refused to serve on, and, finding that O'Connell was exasperated by the opposition to him, the Whigs opened negotiations with him, and he evinced a conciliatory spirit that eventually altered official views of him considerably. Previously, he had been regarded and spoken of as a vulgar ruffian, by persons in office who have since referred to him as an estimable gentleman. Many of O'Connell's adherents were rewarded by government patronage, and their mouths being thus closed, the Repeal Association was finally broken up, and O'Connell soon afterwards died as previously described.

THE RUSSELL COERCION BILL.

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O'Brien and his friends formed a confederation of clubs, and thus resumed the agitation for repeal, with greater determination than ever. During 1847, the consequent effect was considerable. Early in 1848, the Russell government introduced a coercion bill.

The Bill was instituted "for the better prevention of crime and outrage in certain parts of Ireland, until the first day of December, 1849, and to the end of the then next session of Parliament." It provided as usual for proclaimed districts, and against the carrying of arms therein except by privileged or licensed persons, as previously described." The second reading passed by 289 to 271. Up to that time O'Brien had not appeared, but on the third reading he made a long speech of protest, containing a reference to a remarkable parallel passage of legislative controversy. Referring to a promised land bill, he said a comprehensive measure of that nature was the only guarantee for the peace of Ireland, and this coercion bill was only a guarantee for increased outrage, yet the government persisted in pushing it through the House without giving the slightest intimation of the nature of the Landlord and Tenant Bill which they professed to have under consideration. The bill reached the royal assent on the 20th of December.

In defiance of great demonstrations of military force in Dublin, and swarms of constables and detectives, a public meeting was held there by the O'Brien party, at which an address was voted, congratulating the victorious French people on the revolution that had just occurred in France. A few days afterwards, O'Brien, Meagher, and Mitchel were waited on by a police magistrate, and requested to give bail that they would stand their trial on a charge of sedition. Bail being accordingly given, O'Brien and Meagher went to France, and presented the address to the Provisional Government in Paris.

On the 7th of the following April, there was introduced a bill into the English Parliament, which, though actually directed against Ireland, did not appear so on the face of it. It was intituled "for the better security of the Crown and Government of the United Kingdom, "otherwise known as "The Treason-felony Act." It con

tained the following original and extraordinary provisions, "That if any person within any part of the United Kingdom, in order to force, constrain or compel Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen, her heirs or successors, to change her or their measures or counsels, or in order to put any force or constraint upon, or in order to intimidate or overawe both Houses, or either House of Parliament, or to move or stir any foreigner or stranger with force to invade the United Kingdom or any other of her Majesty's dominions or countries under the obeisance of her Majesty, her heirs, or successors, and such compassings, imaginations, inventions, devices, or intentions, or any of them, shall express, utter, or declare, by publishing any printing or writing, or by open and advised speaking, or by any overt act or deed, every person so offending shall be guilty of felony, and being convicted thereof, shall be liable, at the discretion of the court, to be transported beyond the seas for the term of his or her natural life, or for any term not less than seven years, or to be imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years, with or without hard labour, as the court shall direct."

It is a significant fact, when compared with later events, that this bill was introduced by the Whigs-warmly supported by the Tories, who turned out Peel rather than indulge in the luxury of a Coercion Act—and not generally opposed by the party at that time calling itself" Liberal."

O'Brien, being absent in Paris, was not present on the introduction of the bill, but, on the 10th of April, which was put down for the second reading, he entered the House sudddenly enough to make a buzz of sensation. It was the evening of the day upon which the great Chartist Demonstration took place at Kennington Common, whence a procession marched to present the gigantic petition that had been prepared. The petition having been duly presented earlier in the sitting, the time for the Treason-Felony Act arrived.

The succeeding speech of O'Brien is one of the best statements extant of the case of Ireland from the Irish point of view then and ever since.

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