the good people of Stockholm could not vol- | house when this superb singer, the daughter untarily consent to be deprived, and therefore of Garcia, made her debût, in company with the wealthy bankers of the city conceived a her father, in the "Barber of Seville." The plan by which they hoped to attach her per- applause she excited was not very great, manently to her native place. They offered yet there were those present who, in the annually to deposit a considerable sum for half-shrinking and timid girl, then foresaw ten years, by which time it would amount to what the woman would be. She was just a large fortune. But though touched by sixteen, and her rich and animated Spanish this mark of the respect and sympathy of her features glowed with pride and confidence countrymen, the singer was urged by am- as she listened to the admiration of the bition to display her talents in the various house. It was genuine, and she felt it; and capitals of Europe, and to gather laurels continually, from that day forward, rose in more valuable and enduring than the Stock- the estimation of the public, till she stood in holmers, with all their enthusiasm, could Europe without a rival. Her sudden and bestow. lamented death in the midst of her fame, when public admiration was at the highest, will long be looked back to with regret. We shall not attempt to accompany Jenny Lind on her peregrinations through Germany, or to copy the exaggerated style in which her performances there are spoken of. She visited Dresden, Berlin, and Vienna, and in the dominions of the King of Prussia displayed her powers before the Queen of England. What, perhaps, was far more flattering to her, Henrietta Sontag, now Countess de Rossi, pronounced her to be the first singer of the age. Compliments like these often mean nothing, and are taken for what they are worth. But we believe the Countess Rossi is an earnest and sincere woman, and, having herself been the wonder of her day, and enjoyed her full share of praise, may be supposed to have spoken frankly of one with whom she could have no rivalry. To Mr. Alfred Bunn belongs the merit of having conceived the idea of bringing Jenny Lind to England. He entered into an engagement with her, which, as is well known, did not terminate fortunately. But into the details of their disagreement we shall not enter, since the people are already familiar with them. In When Madame Pasta performed, for example, in the "Medea," it is impossible to exaggerate the pleasure she afforded to all true lovers of music or the drama. singing she excelled all her contemporaries; in acting she equalled Mrs. Siddons, as far, at least, as the range of the opera enabled her to suggest a parallel. If in a certain sense she was less popular than Jenny Lind, it is to be accounted for by anything rather than the supposition of an inferiority. Madame Pasta was probably inferior to no one that ever sung, and her acting was incontestably superior to anything ever beheld on the opera boards. Yet in the voice and manner of Jenny Lind there is something more congenial to the taste and feelings of the English people. Her voice is altogether sui generis. Words convey no idea of tones and cadences, and cannot enable those to judge, who have not themselves listened. Emotion has no lengthened vocabulary, and criticism exhausts itself in vain in the attempt to give permanence to those forms of art which are more fleeting than a summer cloud. In all other creations of genius, the type of the idea exists without the mind, and though it cannot suggest precisely the same conceptions to all, it remains to be appealed to and consulted by one generation after another. But the merit of a singer is an affair of testimony. You can embody it in nothing, not even in language. You express yourself pleased, gratified, intoxicated, if you will, with delight-when you have rung the changes a thousand times on this fact, the expression is all you have accomplished. The career of Jenny Lind in England was that which imparted completeness to her reputation. She herself felt that she had achieved nothing till she had charmed a British audience. Berlin, Dresden and Vienna were forgotten in the blaze of London. Here her powers grew up to maturity, and here she took her leave of the stage. To describe the effect of her singing upon the public would be impossible. But they are altogether deceived who imagine it is unlike what has taken place before in the case of other singers. Madame Catalani excited, in Connected with Jenny Lind's stay in Engher day, precisely the same kind of admira- land, there is, however, something else to be tion; so also did Madame Pasta. The tri- observed; she filled a larger space in the umphs of Malibran, as more recent, will be public mind than any other artist of any better remembered. We were at the opera-class whatsoever. In every society her name was mentioned. While the rage continued, you never went into company without hearing discussions of her merits, which were sometimes carried on with as much vehemence and anger as a theological controversy. Much of this is to be accounted for by vanity. Those who had heard Jenny Lind fancied themselves superior in some respects to those who had not, and it was thought a great distinction to have met her in private. We remember to have seen a Swedish author who, during his visit to London, chiefly attracted attention by the fact that he was acquainted, very slightly, perhaps, with Jenny Lind. But this folly by no means touches the great singer herself, who seems to have preserved altogether the balance of her mind, and never to have been puffed up for a moment by what would have sufficed to ruin a thousand other performers. Numerous anecdotes are related to prove the kindness and goodness of her nature, but no one is more characteristic than the following, which, we believe, has not been made public before. During her visit to Bath, she happened to be walking with a friend, in front of some alms-houses, into one of which she entered, and sat down for a moment, ostensibly to rest herself, but in reality to find some excuse for doing an act of charity to the old woman who lived in it, and whom she had seen feeble and tottering at the door. The old woman, like the rest of her neighbors, was full of the Swedish nightingale, whom she had heard was just then at Bath, entertaining with her voice all those who were so happy and fortunate as to be able to go to the theatre. "For myself," said the old woman, “I have lived a long time in the world, and desire nothing before I die but to hear Jenny Lind." "And would it make you happy ?" inquired her visitor. "Ay, that it would," answered the old woman; "but such folks as I can't go to the play-house, and so I shall never hear her." "Don't be so sure of that," said the goodnatured Jenny; "sit down, my friend, and listen ;" and forthwith she sang, with all her richest and most glorious powers, one of the finest songs she knew. The poor woman was beside herself with delight, when, after concluding her song, her kind visitor observed, "Now, you have heard Jenny Lind." If she had given the woman a hundred pounds, she could not have afforded her half so much pleasure. It was an act of noble charity, of the tenderest and most delicate kind. Money it would have been easy for her to give; and money, no doubt, she did give; but to sit down in an almshouse, and there to call up the enchantments of her voice for the amusement of an obscure and poor old woman, was a touching proof of goodness of heart, which nothing we have heard of Jenny Lind surpasses. After this, we could readily believe of her any act of gentle and affectionate kindness, and we would be glad to see collected, for the honor of art, all the numerous proofs of sympathy and charity which she has given during her residence in England. It is a great thing to be universally admired. It is a still greater thing to be universally beloved; and we believe that the admiration of Jenny Lind's vocal powers, great and unrivalled as they are, is second to the admiration of her moral qualities. For this reason, we may be allowed to express a hope that, though she has now left us for France, England will be her future home. Her manners are already those of an Englishwoman, and the analogy between the Swedish character and the English character is so great, that the transition from Stockholm to London would scarcely be felt, except for the change of language. REWARD OF AUTHORSHIP.—The late Mr. Tigg, the publisher in Cheapside, gave the following list of remunerative payments to distinguished authors in his time: Fragments of History, by Charles Fox, sold by Lord Holland for 5,000 guineas. Fragments of History, by Sir James Mackintosh, at 500l. Lingard's History of England, 4,6537. Scott's Bonaparte was sold, with printed books, for 18,000l.; the nett receipts of the first two editions only, must have been 100,000l. The Life of Wilberforce, by his sons, 4,000 guineas. Life of Byron, by Moore, 4,000l. Life of Sheridan, by Moore, 2,000l. Life of Hannah More, 2,000l. Life of Cowper, by Southey, 1,000l. Life and Times of George IV., by Lady C. Bury, 1,000l. Byron's Works, 20,000l. Lord of the Isles, half share, 1,500. Lalla Rookh, by Moore, 3,0007, Rejected Addresses, by Smith, 1,000l. Crabbe's Works, republication of, by Mr. Murray, 3,000. Wordsworth's Works, republication of, by Mr. Moxon, 1,0507. Bulwer's Rienzi, 1,600/. Marryatt's Novels, 500l. to 1,000l. each. Trollope's Factory Boy, 1,8007. Hannah More derived 3,000l. per annum for her copyrights, during the latter years of her life. Rundell's Domestic Cookery, 2,000l. Nicholas Nickleby, 3,000l. Eustace's Classical Tour, 2,000. Sir Robert Inglis obtained for the widow of Bishop Heber, by the sale of the Journal, 5,0007. From the British Quarterly Review. ETRURIA-ITS CITIES AND CEMETERIES. The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria. By GEORGE DENNIS. In 2 vols. London. 1848. ENGLAND has great reason to be proud of her travellers, and not least of those whose labors have been undertaken with the view of extending the boundaries of scientific, antiquarian, or classical knowledge. In the investigation of the monumental records which the nations of the past have left to illustrate and confirm the voice of historyin some instances to form the very alphabet in which that history has yet to be written -the researches of our fellow countrymen have been equally meritorious and successful. Every department of this field has witnessed their labors and their triumphs. Egypt and Nineveh, Phrygia and Lycia, not less than the more classic soils of Greece and Italy, have yielded a rich harvest to their enterprise and patience. In the ranks of these explorers Mr. Dennis has earned an honorable position. He has brought to bear upon his task a happy combination of some the best qualifications which should mark the explorer of a land rich in historical associations, and lavishly decked with Nature's fairest pencillings. To a thorough familiarity with all the ancient authorities bearing upon Etruria and its inhabitants, and an ample acquaintance with the researches of both early and recent scholars, he unites a keen appreciation of the picturesque, and has reproduced the results of his labors and impressions from a mind not only stored with classical and historical knowledge, but enriched with sublime or tender images produced by the scenes before him, or by others of kindred loveliness, when mirrored in the creative fancy of the poet. The ground which Mr. Dennis has selected as the scene of his researches is not new. More than two centuries ago the celebrated Thomas Dempster endeavored to direct the attention of the learned to the antiquities of Etruria. While Professor of Civil Law at Pisa, and subsequently of Ancient Literature at Bologna, he wrote a series of essays, collected under the title "Etruria Regalis," but the work was not published till a century after his death, when it was at length brought forth from its obscurity in the grand ducal library at Florence, and printed, together with some supplements and corrections by Philip Buonarotti. This work effectually aroused the Italian literati, and ever since its appearance Etrurian antiquities have from time to time been made the subject of speculation and research by scholars, both in Italy and on this side of the Alps. It must suffice to mention the names of Lanzi, Maffei, Repetti, Micali, Inghirami, Gerhard, Visconti, Canina, Abeken, Niebuhr, Müller, and Lepsius, and the various authors of papers in the Bullettini of the Archæological Institute at Rome. In England, except within a somewhat limited circle, Etruscan antiquities attracted but little attention, till they were invested with a more popular interest in the lively pages of Mrs. Hamilton Gray. Her "Tour to the Sepulchres of Etruria," (1840,) was a work of the same kind as that under review, though much more limited in its range, and less accurate in the details communicated. The writer had far too lively an imagination to be a very safe guide. Thus, in speaking of the collection of Etruscan antiquities at Chiusi, she mentions "a whiterobed figure, of grave and solemn appearance, in a curule chair. I am sure," she adds, "had I seen it in the tomb, so pure and still, yet so dignified and commanding, I could never have drawn it forth. It was to my mind the most beautiful and solemn manner of embellishing death that ever entered a mortal's head. Such was its effect that I could hardly refrain from tears. It is the gem of Chiusi." Mr. Dennis, who is certainly not chargeable with a want of enthusiasm, says of this same figure, “The first feeling excited is one of astonishment at its singularity; the next, of amusement at its droll quaintness-its more than Egyptian rigidity its utter want of anatomical expression. It looks like a stone effigy, not of that form which tempted angels to sin, but of a jointed doll, or an artist's lay figure. Farther examination proves this stiffness to arise from the arms, feet, head, and even crown, being in separate pieces, removable at pleasure, and fixed in their places by metal pins.' (ii. 336.) | he might have found room for a more extended and systematic notice of the religious, political, and social institutions, which can on good authority, be traced among the Etruscans. A great number of very valuable incidental notices will be found scattered up and down the work, and the matter has not been altogether overlooked in the introduction ; but the thorough acquaintance which Mr. Dennis exhibits with the ancient authorities leads us to regret that the outline which he has sketched with so competent a hand has not been more elaborately filled up. The engrossing interest which has recently been awakened by the progress of discovery in Egypt and Assyria will probably hinder Mr. Dennis's work and its subject from attracting that general attention to which both are entitled, though to the classical scholar, and the student of Roman history, the Etruscans can never cease to be objects of curiosity and research. They were a powerful nation centuries before Rome was founded, characterized by a high state of civilization and even luxury, powerful by land and sea, swayed by a singular and gloomy system of superstition, and presenting several remarkable features in their political organization and social habits; and they maintained both their position and their singularities for centuries after their power had waned before that of Rome. From them the Romans confessedly derived some of their most remarkable institutions, and some of the most im Still, all things considered, Mrs. Gray's "Tour" was a work which did her great credit. Bating some imaginative extravagances, it was written with spirit and good feeling, and was well fitted by its enthusiastic tone to awaken sympathy with its subject. It was not unnatural, though we cannot but regard it as unfortunate, that the success of her first work should have induced Mrs. Gray to attempt a systematic history of Etruria. We have seen high encomiums passed upon this latter work, and it certainly shows the results of a very laudable amount of industry and research. But questions such as those discussed in it are not safe ground for amateur historians or antiquaries. A long apprenticeship to this class of studies, and great practice in testing the value of authorities, are essentially requisite for those who would find their way amid the tangled labyrinth of mythical, monumental, and historical records. Especially is this necessary when a very lively imagination has to be kept within due bounds. Mrs. Gray's "His-portant elements of their national character. tory of Etruria" is a very entertaining book; but if any one wishes to gain a clear view of what is really known on the subject, of the difficulties which envelope it, and the various collateral questions which are elements of the investigation, we should advise him not to take the fair writer for his guide. If a novice, he would find everything made out so very clearly, or at least so very much to the author's own satisfaction, that the real problems to be solved would escape his observation. Mr. Dennis has not entered very deeply into the perplexing questions connected with the origin of the Etruscans. He has, however, given a brief abstract of the leading views that have been held on the subject, inclining to those which bring them from the East. He has incorporated in his notice of the various Etruscan towns, a summary of the facts known with respect to their history, with copious references to the authorities for the statements. We think that, with a little more condensation in some parts of his book, Some scholars assign an Etruscan origin to one of the primitive tribes of Rome. They unquestionably gave to Rome the dynasty of the Tarquins. Until Rome began to learn of Greece, her civilization and arts were almost entirely Etruscan. Her gods were the gods of Etruria, her divination-so long and so religiously observed--was the Etruscan augury. Yet though their religious institutions and language were diligently studied by at least a section of the Romans, and numerous notices of them have been handed down to us, yet many of the most important questions respecting them do not admit of being answered. Their language is a riddle even to the age which has read the hieroglyphics of Egypt, and obtained some insight into the arrow-headed inscriptions of the East, and that too, though almost every letter of the numerous extant inscriptions can be read with ease. The origin and national affinities of the Etruscans are a question which a century of discussion has not settled. The best ancient authorities have unfortunately perished. The notices of Aristotle and Theophrastus, and in particular the elaborate work of the Emperor Claudius, would doubtless have cleared up many obscurities which now hopelessly obstruct our view. By the Greeks this remarkable people were called Tyrseni, or Tyrrheni. By the Romans, they were called Etrusci, or Tusci, both names being apparently variations of Tursci, which appears in some ancient inscriptions. They called themselves (according to the testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus) Rasena. The legend respecting their origin which was generally believed in antiquity, was that recorded by Herodotus (i. 95,) that they came from Lydia, under the guidance of Tyrrhenus, the son of Atys; half the population of Lydia being compelled to seek new settlements, in consequence of a famine of eighteen years' duration. The question that obviously presents itself in the first place is in how far are the names Rasena and Tyrseni coextensive? Were the Etruscans a homogeneous race, which might be called indifferently, Rasena, or Tyrseni? or were they an amalgamation of distinct races, and was the name Rasena proper to one of the two elements of the compound race, and Tyrseni the name proper to the other? And, lastly, what connection are we to assume between the Tyrseni of Italy and the Tyrseni who are met with elsewhere? For it seems to be clearly established, that this name was borne by more than one portion of the great Pelasgian race settled in the countries lying round the Ægean Sea. The inhabitants of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, were called Tyrsenians, (Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1760. Aristox, ap. Porph. Vit. Pythag.,) as was also a Pelasgian tribe which settled for a time in Attica, (Thucyd. iv. 109,) from whom, in fact, the inhabitants of the above-named islands were said to be descended, though the tribe expelled from Attica could not have been large enough to settle in those places. "At the same time with the Regulini-Galassi tomb, several others were opened in the neighborhood; in one of which was found a relic of antiquity insignificant enough in itself, but of high interest for the light it throws on the early language of Italy. It is a little cruet-like vase, of plain black ware, a few inches high, and from its form has not unaptly been compared to an ink bottle. What may have been its original application is not easy to say; probably for perfumes, as it resembles the alabastron in form; or it may have served as an inkstand to hold the coloring 6 matter for inscriptions. Whatever its purpose, it has no obvious relation to a sepulchre, for round its base is an alphabet in very ancient characters, simile; and round the body of the pot the conshown in the bottom line of the subjoined facsonants are coupled with the vowels in turn, in that manner so captivating to budding_intelli gences. Thus we read: Bi, Ba, Bu, Be--Gi, Ga, Gu, Ge-Zi, Za, Zu, Ze--Hi, Ha, Hu, He— Thi, Tha, Thu, The-Mi, Ma, Mu, Me-Ni, Na, Nu, Ne-Pi, Pa, Pu, Pe—Ki, Ka, Ku, Ke-Si, Phe-Ti, Ta, Tu, Te. Now it must be observed Sa, Su, Se-Chi, Cha, Chu, Che-Phi, Pha, Phu, that this inscription, though found in an Etruscan tomb, is not in that character, but in Greek, of very archaic style, (in Greek letters the alphabet would be thus expressed: A, B, A, г, E, F, (digamma,) Z, H, ©, I, K, A, M, N, ≈, O, II, Q, (koppa,) P, Z, T, Y, X, 9, Y;) and there is every reason to believe it a relic of the earliest possessors of Care, the Pelasgi, who are said to have introduced letters into Latium. From the palæography, this is indubitably the most ancient monument extant, which teaches us the early Greek alphabet, and its authentic arrangement." —(ii. 53, 54.) The alphabet used by the Etruscans, though the forms of the letters resemble the ancient Greek or Phoenician type, differs from the Roman and from the Pelasgic In a tomb at alphabet described above. Bomarzo was found a cup, on the foot of which was inscribed the Etruscan alphabet, written from right to left, (the direction in which Etruscan inscriptions almost invariably run.) The order of the letters is the following: A, C, E, F, or V, Z, H, Th, L, M, N, P, S, R, S, T, U, Th, Ch, Ph. It will be observed that the letters B, D, 2, 4, and O are wanting, and that there are two sigmas and two thetas. C had the force of K. The Etruscans were so totally unlike the Greeks and Romans in language and religion, that it is certain they were not a Pelasgian race, and it appears to us equally clear that there could not even have been any large Pelasgian element among them. Had such been the case, some common elements of language would doubtless have been detected on comparing the Etruscan with the Latin and Greek; for there can be no question that the common fundamental elements of the two latter were derived from the common Pelasgian element of the Latin and Greek races. The Etruscans do not even seem to have derived their alphabet and their mode of writing through the Greeks. There is no evidence that the Pelasgians were reduced to a state of serfdom, and were employed by their masters in erecting fortifications |