toasts and sentiments breathe a general language, pure as that of the whigs of the revolution, on simi Oration lar occasions; long before the present opposing Delivered on the 4th of July, 1812, at the celebration of American parties took their rise, and all were known as whigs or tories. Independence, in Howard's Park, (Baltimore) by LIEUT. COLONEL WM. H. WINDER. Let this generous feeling prevail, and we bid de- When it is recollected that the task which has fiance to Europe in arms. That it will prevail we now devolved on me, was originally assigned to an cannot permit ourselves to doubt, whatever a few orator* whose eloquence can adorn the most exalted desperate and unprincipled partizans may say.- topics; that but a few days have been allowed to What country have we to desire but this? What treat a subject that might fully occupy the protract form of government to hope for better calculated to ed efforts of the most vigorous and brilliant imagi secure our happiness than the one we possess? If we nation; that this fragment of time has been broken look at Europe, and behold the wants and oppres by a multitude of pressing avocations, which have sions of its population-see the rich grinding down perpetually solicited my attention from the subject, the face of the poor, and the poor in a state of star-it will readily be understood that I meet my situation vation for the mere necessaries of life and then with the most unaffected consciousness of incosturn our eyes to the general ease and prosperity of petence to equal the great expectations which this the people of the United States, under the mildest occasion must excite. government in the world, appointed of ourselves, The authors of the ceremonies of this day, mov. and acting according to the will of the majority-ed by a pure and holy patriotism, have become the shall we not he led to bless the Great Bestower of apostles of concord, of conciliation. They have every good and perfect gift, and solemnly resolve to engaged in the noble work of assuaging the exacer. defend, at every hazard and cost, such inestimable ad-bated passions of political partizans, and under the vantages? Or shall we become traitors to ourselves, influence of this spirit have selected me as one ofthe and jeopardize the whole by squabbling whether ministers of their designs. My confidence springs Madison, Clinton or Pinkney shall be our chief ma from their choice-my qualifications from the ungistrate, and, according to the constitution, adminis- feigned sincerity in which I co-operate with their ter the government? Our first and great business is wishes. to support the law and defeat the common enemy It is now thirty-six years since the fathers of our -that being done, we will quietly proceed to cor- nation, stimulated by an attempt to impose upon rect abuses if they exist, and cleanse the body poli- them the bonds of slavery, declared their country tic, if corrupted-not as men who would christianize free and independent. The tyrant wielded the re the world with fire and sword, and other oppres-sources of a great and powerful nation, then at peace sions and grievances, to be found in all the canting with the rest of the world; and free to devote its hypocritical church establishments of the old world, whole power to crush the first efforts of resistance, but as brethren, to reason together, to convince Our country was then trammelled by the fetters of each others hearts of error; and incline them, in various governments, all flowing from and depen virtue, to pursue the better way. DO THIS AND BE INVINCIBLE. dent on the will of our oppressor. It presented a thin population scattered over a vast extent of ter ritory-disunited by habits and local circumstances, without even a name as a nation-without revenue and destitute of all warlike munitions or organized military force. It is cause of sincere congratulation to the people of the United States and to the friends of liberty in every part of the world, to discover that the holy spirit of union is working mightily among our citi zens. Party, or faction, had so fairly seized on the It was under these discouraging circumstances minds of some that they could not shake it off im that our memorable declaration of independence was mediately. They are not yet enabled fully to ap-might have deterred, and dangers which might have ushered forth to the world.--Difficulties which preciate the exact situation of their country, con. stitutionally, and after years of patience and for- appalled the stontest resolutions, encompassed their bearance, involved in war with a foregn nation, way on all sides; but animated by an invogorating with whom they have had such intimate connecthem to break their chains--or perish in the atzeal for liberty, they boldly resolved to surmount tion by commerce and otherwise. The interests of some are particularly injured by the war, as they tempt. must be in any event of the kind; and they are disA band of heroes, who would have shed new lussatisfied. But when the whole community shall tre on the brightest days of Roman or Grecian his have time for reflection, the great body of the peo tory, gathered round the new raised banners of ple will settle down into a genuine American feeling their country. Under a series of gloomy and dis all will admit that there are abundant causes for astrons events, they evinced an inflexible fortitude war with Great Britain, and resolve by unity of ac-made to yield the wholesome fruit of experience, united with the most active courage. Adversity was ion to harrass and distress the foe and bring him to and the flowers of victory were engrafted upon the terms, as speedily as possible. In the mean time let the majority bear patiently with the honest dif thorns of defeat. Our unju t and infatuated tyrant, ferences of opinion of their brethren-between who, counting on our imbecility, had despised our which and treason there is a vast distinction. If the manly but just remonstrances, was vanquishedgallant Rod, ers shall return from his present cruize, was humbled and compelled in the most solemn after having captured, sunk or destroyed 50 or 66 manner to acknowledge, as the legitimate assertion ships of the enemy-or the brave Hull shall break of our rights, that declaration which, in the inso up the infernal nests at Amherstburg and Malden, every American will rejoice. *William Pinkney, esq. attorney general of the well as of sorrow) will flow through a common the oration-the reading of the declaration of inde The tide af joy as United States, was originally appointed to deliver It is only necessary to add, that in this city the unexpected absence from the city prevented Mr. P. pendence being assigned to lieut. col. Winder; but day passed over without even an accident to mar its from complying with the request of the committee. pleasures or disturb the general harmony. channel. ED. REG 1 lence of power, had been branded as rebellious.ism from them, boldly undertook the arduous labor, "Yes, my fellow citizens, the result of that glorious All the anticipated difficulties and many not foreseen struggle was, that youshave the proud right of ce- were successfully encountered, and from the united lebrating this day as the anniversary of your inde wisdom of as bright a constellation of statesmen as pendence and liberty. But for the magnanimous ever acted together, sprang our present unrivalled 、 patriotism of the sages and heroes of the revolution, form of government. This government was the you might have had to deplore it the era of hopeless result, not of the profoundest wisdom only, but slavery. of the most disinterested virtue: political animosi Our wrongs first, our dangers afterwards, had ties, local interests, private grievances, state consupplied the want of a regular and well constituted sequence, favorite systems; in fine the most pow government-our patriotism and courage, the want erful and obstinate passions of the human heart, were of resources. But the struggle over, the danger all surrendered as the price of its purchase. passed, the frailty of our nature had nearly proved fatal to us. Discontents, jealousies, resentment for the supposed ingratitude of their country had begun to swell the breasts of many of those gallant heroes who had in the field so nobly vindicated the liberties and avenged the wrongs of their country. In an ill-fated moment they seemed ready to surrender the rich prize of their victories into the grasp of their vanquished, exasperated foe, and to tarnish the thing more to hope. bright mantle of glory which surrounded them. Departed heroes, witness that your generous example is not lost on us-Genius of America, spirit of Washington, look down and behold our obe dience to thy parting admonitions! The fruit of this government has been a series of twenty years of unexampled prosperity-the ultimate measure of human happiness was here filled up-in the condition of humanity, reason has no But all sublunary affairs are transitory and we At this awful portentuous moment, Washing-this day stand admonished that we must not allow ton, transcendant among heroes and patriots, ap- ourselves to subside into the idle dream of undis peared again to save the-at his approach, the ge- turbed enjoyment or the unwarrantable hope that nius of discord retired, abashed and confounded; he we are to enjoy happiness without the allotted price renewed fortitude and sustained his war-worn com of its purchase. panions, and confirmed them in the resolution to The great rival competitors of Europe for power sacrifice every comfort, to suffer every distress to and dominion, viewed with corroding jealousy and complete the salvation of their country. Their pri- distrust, the rising consequence and power of our vate grievances, their galling discontents, their country: a thick and rapid succession of injuries heart rending anguish from supposed ingratitude, and insults has been heaped upon us; the struggle were all sacrificed on the altar of their country. between them seems to have been which could mul. Can we recollect this magnanimous effort, this tiply their wrongs and enormities with most inge glorious surrender of irritated feeling; of exaspera-nuity-patience, forbearance and remonstrance on ted passion-and refuse to banish from our bosoms our part have been opposed to them as long as a the intollerant spirit of faction, excited from no per- just and proper respect for ourselves would permit sonal injuries, springing from no unrequited scenes we have at length been roused under our injuries; of danger and suffering; but arising solely from a and, no other hope remaining, have appealed to difference of opinion upon subjects, about which the the God of battle for redress-Arise then, my counwisest and best men may and have honestly differed? trymen, and with all your strength second the appeal No, my countrymen, this assemblage, indiscrimi- which has been made by the constituted authorities of nately composed of persons of all parties, uniting your goverament-What was before a question has together the hail the return of this auspicious day, is no slight evidence that the spirit of the fathers of our independence has descended upon us; that we are not altogether unworthy of thein. But this is not the only, perhaps not the greatest instance of mananimity in the sacrifice of private feeling, of party animosity and rankling passion, to public weal which the short history of our country affords. The political association which, under the sting of injustice and the pressure of danger, served to unite us together and conduct us through the revolution, was found insufficient, when those extrinsic causes of union and concert were removed. now become a law-let us therefore, by an united, vigorous effort prove, that however we may differ on particular questions of policy, we shall ever hold inviolate the obedience which we owe to every legitimate act of our government, and shall always oppose an undivided resistance against every hostile assailant. Dandled as we have been in the lap of prosperity, and enervated by an indulgence in the gratifications which rapidly increasing wealth and luxury afford we had, I fear, begun to fall off from the spirit of our revolutionary fathers; our high and keen sense of insult and injury was blunted by the baneful influence of luxurious peace, and our ardent sensibili ty, our jealous regard of national honor began to fade before the meretricious charms of inglorious ease and tranquility. The history of mankind furnished no example of a government founded upon the free and deliberate choice of a nation. This glory was reserved for our happy country. But when it is recollected how va- A nation to be great, must disregard privation, rious, how extensive, how complicated this subject toil and danger, in comparison with national glory was in itself, how interwoven with the motley, he--to be happy, she must prefer safe and honorable terogeneous, conflicting passions, wants and local peace to restless and warlike ambition; but to diversities of this extended empire; how easy it was secure safe and honorable peace, she must prefer for vice and ambition, without danger of detec even the horrors of war to unsafe and inglorious tion, to assume the garb of virtue and patriotism, peace: shew yourselves ready to act on these maxe the formation of a government, which might secure ims, now and at all times, and you may soon have the happiness of their country, presented a task, in and preserve an honorable and lasting peace; your the accomplishment of which, the most persevering rights, your happiness, your glory, will tind a con vigor might despair and the most sagacious intellect genial atmosphere, and will flourish with renewed have been confounded. The heroes and statesmen and in creasing security and splendour. of the revolution, supported by some of their young- Let us cautiously avoid undervaluing the power, er brethren, who had caught the flamme of patriot resources and character of our adversary; we wage 1 war with a great, gallant and powerful nation; the Senatorial Address. of the Senate, to the People of the Common wealth of Massachusells. The senate announce to their constituents that power, we shall certainly prolong and increase its AR exists between the United States and Great evils, and may even render the issue doubtful.-Britain and its dependencies. This last resort of Dissention, discord, tumult and violence, will lead injured nations is at all times a most serious event; us into the horrors of a civil war, and prepare us at the present peculiarly solemn. It is a war against an easy victim of foreign conquest or domestic des violence and rapacity, by an unoffending nation, potism-our excellent government; our prosperity aloof from the vortex and collision of European and happiness; that great pillar of our salvation, politics-whose utmost ambition was to live in hoUNION may be swept away, and the remembrance of it only preserved, to embitter the sorrows of our posterity and aggravate the sigh of despair which will be heaved for the folly and infatuation of their ancestors. norable peace with the world-at home to enjoy the equal benefits of a republican government-and a broad to carry the productions of its soil and industry in the usual channels of legitimate com merce. Your government, the offspring of your own We will not enter into a detail of the injuries inflicted on us, nor of the flimscy pretexts by which choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, free in its she has affected to justify her outrages-It is suffi principle, in the distribution of its powers uniting cient to say that England no longer pretends to dissecurity with energy, and containing within itself guise her ambitious designs, under the pretence of a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim bounded right to dominion, only because she as retaliation on her enemy. She asserts ber unto your confidence and support. Respect for its sumes unbounded power. She annexes conditions authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamento the repeal of her orders which she knows we have tal maxims of true liberty. no right to require of her enemy-which she knows are impossible-thus adding mockery to her long "The alternate dominion of one faction over train of perpetrated injuries. With the boldness another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natu- of the highwayman, she has, at last, stripped the ral to party dissention, which in different ages and mask from violence, and vindicates her aggressions countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormi and impressments on the only plea of tyrants: that ties, is itself a frightful despotism-but this leads of whim and convenience. The same plea extends to a more formal and permanent despotism. The to the weltering victim of savage barbarity on our disorders and miseries which result, gradually in frontiers. cline the minds of men to seek security and repose It was not sufficient that we were remote from in the absolute power of an individ al; and sooner European polities, and courted peace under every or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more sacrifice:-acquiesced in minor injuries-remon fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposi strated against those of a deeper die-forbode unti tion to the purposes of his elevation on the ruins of forbearance became pusillanimity-and finally republic liberty. tred from the scene of controversy, with the delu "There is an opinion that partics in free counsive hope that a spirit of moderation might succeed tries, are useful checks upon the administration of that of violence and rapine. We were hunted on the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of the ocean-Our property was seized upon by the liberty. This, with certain limits, is probably convulsive grasp of our now open and acknowledg true; and in governments of a monarchial cast, ed enemy, and our citizens forced into a cruel and patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with ignominious vassalage. And when we retired, we favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of were pursued to the threshold of our territory-outthe popular character; in governments purely elec-rages of an enormous cast, perpetrated in our bays tive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged-From their and harbours-the tomahawk of the savage uplitted natural tendency, it is certain there will always be against the parent-the wife-the infant, on our enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose-frontiers :-and spies and incendiaries sent into the and there being constant danger of excess, the bosom of our country to plot with the desperate effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to and ambitious the dismemberment of our go. mitigate and assuage it; a fire not to be quenched,vernment, and involve us in all the horrors of a it demands an uniform vigilance to prevent its burst civil war. ing into a flame; lest, instead of warming, it should consume." We have sought in vain for the motives of this horrible warfare. What British subject has ever When retiring from a career of public life, more been personally injured by America? What British uniformly great and virtuous than any before had property has ever been confiscated or condemned? been exhibited, and seeking the shade of retirement What insult has ever been offered to the ensigns of and tranquility, it was thus that Washington ad national authority? In a time of profound peace,dressed his countrymen. Let the principles which when we were supplying their citizens with the prohe inculeated sink deep into your hearts and ani ducts of our soil, and replenishing their coffers mate your conduct, so shall he not have lived in by a lucrative commerce-with no disputes convain, and you reap the rich harvest of happiness cerning territory-with no armies or navies to exand freedom which his virtues, aided by the courage cite their national jealousies-We have experienced and patriotism of your ancestors, have acquired, injuries and outrages, at which the humanity of and which their generous example makes it your modern warfare revolts. imperious duty, as I am sure it is your settled de. The constituted authorities of the United States, mination, to transmit unimpaired to your pos- in congress assembled, submitting the justice of their cause to the God of bades, have at length de tevity. clared war against this implacable foe: a wAR for the protection of commerce :-A WAR for the liberties of our citizens:-A WAR for our national sovereignty and independence:-A WAR for our repub lican form of government, against the machinations of despotism. An Address Of Members of the House of Representatives, of the Congress af the United States to their Constituents, on the subject of the war with Great Britain. The undersigned, Members of the House of Representatives, to their majority. Constituents. A republic has for its basis the capacity and right of the people The senate affect not to disguise from their conto govern themselves. A main principle of a representative re stituents, that the times are times of peril. The ene public is the responsibility of the representatives to their constitumies of republics are on the alert. The present is ents. Freedom and publicity of debate are essential to the pr deemed the favorable time for the dismemberment servation of such forms of government. Every arbitrary abridg ment of the right of speech in representatives, is a direct intzingof the ion-that favorite project of the British go-ment of the liberty of the people. Every unnecessary concealment vernment-which has been attempted by their au-of their proceedings, an approximation towards tyranny. When, thorised agent and we have alarming proofs is by systematic rules, a majority takes to itself the right at its plea sure, of limiting speech, or denying it, altogether; when scret countenanced and cherished by citizens of this go sessions multiply; and in proportion to the importance of questions is the studious concealment of debate, a people may be assured, vernment. Yes we say with assurance, that a that, such practices continuing, their freedoin is but short-lived. deep and deadly design is formed against our happy Reflections, such as these have been forced upon the attention union. We say it from conviction forced upon our of the undersigned, members of the house of representatives of the United States, by the events of the present session of congress. minds-from declarations from responsible sources: They have witnessed a principle, adopted as the law of the house, from intrigues that have existed between the ene by which, under a novel application of the previous question, a mies of republics and an authorised British spy-power is assumed by the majority to deny the privilege of spece, at any stage, and under any circumstance of debate. And recomand from a settled determination in individuals to ly, by an unprecedented assumption, the right to give reason for oppose the government in the prosecution of the an original motion, has been made to depend upon the will of the war now forced on us. Principles more hostile than these to the existence of reprezenta It is not, however, on The senate will not assert that there exists a partive liberty, cannot easily be conceived. ty (in the two grand divisions into which parties these accounts, weighty as they are, that the undersigned have undertaken this address. A subject of higher and more immediate are generally divided in the United States, and on importance impels them to the present duty. The momentous question of war with Great Britain, is decided. which the senate are reluctantly compelled to ani On this topic, so vital to your interests, the right of public debate, madvert) which gives countenance to such nefari in the face of the world and especially of their constituents, ha ous projects. The great body of the people are Abeen denied to your representatives. They have been called mericans. It is the enemies of republics of whom into secret session, on this most interesting of all your publie reltions, although the circustances of the time and of the nation, we speak-monarchists in principle and by profes afforded no one reason for secrecy, unless it be found in the appr sion; who disguise not their enmity to our happy hension of the effect of public debate, on public opinion; or f public opinion on the result of the vote. government, and do not conceal their intention Except the message of the president of the U.States, which is now to embrace the opportunity of popular disaffec- before the public, nothing confidential was communicated. That tion and commotion to attempt a revolution.-message contained no fact not previously known. No one reason for war was intimated, but such as was of a nature public and noDeeply impressed with the solemnity of the crisis, and with the dangers attendant on our beloved country, as well from our declared enemies as our intestine foes, the Senate have contemplated the duties which as members of the social compact each individual owes to his country-and they declare them to be a firm support of the government On the contrary, they made of his choice. The rightful authority has decreed. Opposition must cease: Ile that is not for his every attempt, in their power to obtain publicity for their proyedcountry is against it. The precedents on recordings. All such attempts were vain. When this momentous subject was stated, as for debate; they demanded that the doors should be opened. torious. The intention to wage war and invade Canada, had been long since openly avowed. The object of hostile menace had been ostentatiously announced. The inadequacy of both our ar ny and navy, for successful invasion, and the insufficiency of the fortifica tions for the security of our seaboard were, every where known. Yet the doors of congress were shut up on the people. They have been carefully kept in ignorance of the progress of measures, unid the purposes of administration were consummated, and the fate of In a situation so extraordinary, the under ned have deemed it their duty by no act of theirs to sanction a proceeding, so novel and arbitrary. the country sealed, will serve for your guide. When engaged with this This being refused, they declined discussion; being perfectly same enemy, our fathers obeyed the calls of their convinced, from indications, too plain to be misunderstood, that in country, expressed through the authority of their the house, all argument, with closed doors, was hopeless; anal that edicts. In imitation of their example, let the laws any act, giving implied validity to so flagrant an abuse of power, every where be obeyed with the most prompt ala-would be little less than treachery to the essential rights of a free people. In the situation to which the undersigned have thas been crity; let the constituted authorities be aided by reduced, they are compelled reluctantly to resort to this public the patriotic efforts of individuals; let the friends declaration of such views of the state and relations of the country, as determined their judgment and vote upon the question of war of government rally under committees of public A measure of this kind has appeared to the undersigned to be more safety, in each town, district and plantation; let a imperiously demanded, by the circumstances of a message and manifesto being prepared, and circulated at public expense, in common centre be formed by a committee in each which the causes for war were enumerated and the motives for county, that seasonable information may be given it concentrated, in a manner suited to agitate and influence the of every movement of the enemy. Let our young public mind. In executing this task, it will be the study of the undersigned to reconcile the great duty they owe to the people, men who compose the militia, be ready to march with that constitutional respect, which is due to the administrators at a moment's warning to any part of our shores in of public concerns. In commencing this view of our affairs, the undersigned would defence of our coast. These precautions are ren fail in duty to themselves, did they refrain from recurring to the dered necessary against our external foe, and the course, in relation to public measures, which they adopted and internal machinations she may again attempt. Theserve undevistingly pursued from the commencement of this long and eventful session; in which they deliberately sacrificed every measures are sanctified by the example of our fathers minor consideration to, what they deemed, the best interests of the in our revolutionary struggle-And relying on the country. For a succession of years the undersigned have from principle patriotism of the whole people, let us commit our disapproved, a series of restrictions upon commerce, according to cause to the God of battles, and implore his aid and their estination, inefficient as respected foreign nations and inju success in the preservation of our dearest rights andrious, chiefly, to ourselves. Success, in the system, had beenine privileges. IN SENATE, June 26, 1812-Read and accepted. The address of the house of representatives shali be inserted hereafter.] identified with the pride, the character, and the hope of our cabinet. As is naturel with men, who have a great stake on the suc gess of a favorite theory, pertinacity seemed to increase as its hopelessness became apparent. As the efficiency of this system could not be admitted by its advocates, without ensuring its abalonment, ill success, was carefully attributed to the influence of opposition. To this cause the people were taught to charge its successive ilures and not to its intrinsic imbecility. In this state of things. the undersigned deemed it proper, to take away ali apology for ac herence to this oppressive system. They were desirous, at a period, tionably great to both nations; and in the full extent of abgrać o critical in public affairs, as far as was consistent with the inde-right as asserted by each, perhaps irreconcilable. pendence of opinion, to contribute to the restoration of harmony! The government of the United States asserts the broad princihy the public councils, and concord among the people. And if any ple that the flag of their merchant vessels shall protect the mare advantage could be thus obtained in our foreign relations, the un-ners. This privilege is claimed, although every person on board, ders guld, being engaged, in no purpose of personal or party ad-jexcept the captain, may be an alien, Vance it, would rejoice in such an occurrence. The British government asserts that the allegiance of their subThe course of public measures also, at the opening of the session,jects is inalienable, in time of war, and that their scament, found Five hope that enlarged and enlightened system of defence, with on the sea, the common highway of nations, shall not be protected, provisio, for scenrity of our maritime rights, was about to be com- by the flag of private merchant Vessels. jounced; a purpos, which, wherever found, they deemed it their The undersigned det mit unnecessary here to discuss the ques duty to taster, by giving to any system of measures, thus compre-tion of the American claim, for the immunity of their flag. But Jensive, as unobstructed a course as was consistent with their gene- they cannot refrain from viewing it as a principle, of a nature vepal sense of public duty. After a course of policy, thus liberal and ry broad and comprehensive; to the abuse of which, the temptaPonellatory, it was cuise of regret that a communication should tons are strong and numerous. And they do maintain that, be herg been purchased by an unprecedented expenditure of secret fore the calamities of war, in vindication of such a principle be service inovey; and used by the chief magistrate, to disseminate incurred, and the means of negociation should be exliausted, and guspicion and jealousy ; and excite resentment, among the citizens, that also every practicable attempt should be made to regulate the by suggesting imputations against a portion of them, as unmerited exercise of the right; so that the acknowledged injury, resulting to by their pathotishi, as nuwarranted by evidence. other nations, should be checked, if not prevented. They are It has always been the opinion of the undersigned, that a system clearly of opinion, that the peace of this happy and rising counaspiser was the policy, which most comported with the character, Lity should not be abandoned, for the sake of affording facilities to Condition and interests of the United States; that their remote-cover French property; or to employ British seamen, ness from the theatre of contest, in Europe, was their peculiar The claim of Great Britain to the services of her seamen, is neifelicity, and that nothing but a necessity, absolutely imperious, ther novel, or peculiar. The doctrine of allegiance for which she should induce them to enter as parties into wars, in which every contends, is common to all the governments of Europe. France, consideration of virtue and policy seems to be forgotten, under the fas weil as England, has maintained it for centuries. Both nation. overbearing sway of rapacity and ambition. There is a new era claim, in time of war, the services of their subjects. Both by de human affairs. The European world is convulsed. The advaneres forbid their entering into foreign employ. Both recall them tages of our own situation are peculiar. Why quit our own by proclamation. to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny No man can doubt that, in the present state of the French with that of any part of Europe, entangle our prace and pros-rine, if American merchant vessels were met at sa, having French perity in the toils of European ambition, rivallup, interests, hu-eanien on beard, France would take them. Will any man be por, or caprice *" lieve that the United States would go to war against France, on In addition to the many moral and prudential considerations, this account? which should deter thoughtful men from Imstring into the perils of For very obvious reasons, this principle occasions littte collision ich a war, there were some peculiar to the United States, result-with France, or with any other nation, the people of the United e from the texture of the government, in no small degree experi-States are closely assimilated in blood, language, intercourse, la pintal, composed of powerful and independent sovereignties asso-bits, dress, manners and character. When Britain is at war and the gated in relations, some of which are critical, as well as novel; U.States neutral, the merchant service of the United States, holds should not be hastily precipitated into situations calculated to put to out to British seamen, temptations almost irresistible; high wages trial, the strength of the moral bond, by which they are maited. Of all and peaceful employ, instead of low wages and war service; safes states, that of war is most likely to call into activity the passions, ty, in lieu of hazard; entire independence, in the place of qunliftwhich are hostile and dangerous to such a form of government. ed servitude. Time is yet important to our country to settle and mature its re- That England whose situation is insular, who is engaged in a gent institutions. Above all, it appeared to the undersigned from war apparently for existence, whose segmen are her bulwark, signs not to be mistaken, that if we entered upon this war, we did should look upon the vileer of our principle upon her safety, with it as a devided people; not only from a sense of the inadequery Livalousy, is inevitable; and that she will not hazard the practical of our means to success, but from moral and political objections of consequences ofits unregulated exercise, is certain. The question, great weight and very general influence. therefore, presented, directly, for the devision of the thoughtful end It appears to the undersigned, that the wrongs, of which the virtuous mind, in this country, is-whether war, for such an ab United States have to complain, although in some aspects, very stract right be justifiable, before attempting to guard against ite grievous to our interests, and, in many, humiliating to our pride, injurions tendency by legislative regulation in failure of treaty. re yet of a nature, which in the present state of the world, A dubious right should be advanced with hesitation. An exeither would not justify war, or which war would not remedy.treme right should be asserted with discretion. Moral duty requires Thus for instance, the hovering of British vesels upon our corsts, that a nation, before it appeals to arms, should have been not only and the occasional insults to our ports, imperiously demanded such true to itself, but that it should have failed in no duty to others. a systematic application of harbor and sea-coast defence, as would If the exercise of a right in an unregulated manner, be in effect a repel such aggressions, but in no light can they be considered as standing invitation to the subjects of a foreign power to become making a resort to war, at the present time, on the part of the desertors and traitors, is it no injury to that power? United States, either necessary or expedient.-So also, with respect | Certainly morni obligation deinands that the right of flag, like to the Indian war, of the origin of which, but very imperfeer in all other human rights, should be so used, as, that while it protects formation has as yet been given to the public. Without any ex- what is our own, it should not injure what is another's. In a press act of congress, an expedition was, last year, set on foot, and practical view, and so long as the right of ilag is restrained, by no prose cuts d into Indian territory, which had been relinquished by regard to the undeniable but resis of others, a war, on account of im treaty, on the part of the United States.-And now we are told about pressments, is only a war for the right of employing British sear the agency of British traders, as to Indian hostilities. It deserves men on board American merchant vessels. consideration, whether there has been such provident attention, as The claim of Great Britain pretends to no further extent than would have been proper to remove any cause of complaint, either to take British seamen from private merchant vessels. In the exreal or raidinary, which the Indians might allege, and to secure ercise of this claim her officers take American stamen, and foreign their friendship. With all the sympathy and anxiety excited by seamen, in the American service; and although she disclaims such the state of that frontier; important as it may be, to apply ade-abuses, and proffers redress, when known, yet undoubtedly griev quate means of protection, against the Indians, how is its safety ous injuries have resulted to the seamen of the United Stat: s.nsured by a declaration of war, which adds the British to the But the question is, can war be proper for such cause before all number of enemies? hope of reasonable accommodation has failed? Even after the As a decent respect to the opinions of mankind" has not induc extinguishment of such hope, can it be proper until our own ed the the two houses of congress to concur in declaring the rea-practice be so regulated as to remove in such foreign nation, any gons, or motives, for their enacting the declaration of war, the unreasonable apprehension of injury? dersigned and the public are left to search, elsewhere, for causes The undersigned are clearly of opinion that the employment of either real or ostensible. If we are to consider the president of British seamen, in the merchant service of the United States, is as The United States, and the committee of the house of representa-bittle reconcilable with the permanent as the present interest of the yes, on foreign relations, as speaking on this solemn occasion, United States. The encouragement of foreign seamen is the disfor congress, the United States have three principal topics of coucouragement of the native American. plaim against Great Britain. Impressnients 3-blockades ;-and orders in council. Concerning the subject of impressment, the undersigned sympathize with our unfortunate seainen, the victims of this abuse of power, and participate in the national sensibility, on their account. They do not conceal for themselves, both its importance and its ifficulty; and they are well aware how stubborn is the will and how blind the vision of powerful nations, when great interests grow into controversy, The duty of government towards this valuable class of men, is not only to protect but to patronise them. And this cannot be done more effectually, than by securing to American citizens the privileges of American navigation. The question of impressment, like every other question relative to commerce, has been treated in such a manner that what was possessed is lost without obtaining what was sought. Pretensions, right in theory, and important in interests, urged, without due con sideration of our relative power,have eventuated in a practical abandonment, both of what we hoped and what we enjoyed. In attempting to spread our flag over foreigners, its distinctive character has been lost to our own citizens. But, before a resort to war for such interests, a moral nation will consider what is just, and a wise nation what is expedient. If the esercise of any right to the full extent of its abstract nature, be The American seaman, whose interest it is to have no competiinconsistent with the safety of another nation, morality seems to toes in his employment, is sacrificed, that British seamen may have require that, in practice, its exercise should, in this respect, be mo- equal privileges with himself. dified. If it be proposed to vindicate any right by war, wisdom Ever since the United States has been a nation, this subjectshas feands that it should be of a nature, by war to be obtained. The been a matter of complaint and negociation; and every former interests connected with the subject of impressment are unques-inistration have treated it according to its obvious nature, as a Washington, subiect rather for arrangement than for war. It existed in the ine of Washington; yet this father of his country recommended |