CHAP.

I.

1798.

74.

First movement towards the Union.

In the midst of these heartburnings and difficulties, the great measure of the Union was brought forward by Lord Castlereagh; and the reception it met with, in the very outset, gave an earnest of the extraordinary difficulties which it would have to encounter before it could be brought to a successful issue. Future times, relieved of the greatest difficulty with which the British Government had to contend at this critical period, will find it difficult to credit the general burst of indignation with which a measure was received which had no other object but to "extend to Ireland all the advantages of order, commercial prosperity, and security, which the British portion of the empire enjoyed, by a legislative incorporation." Not only the resp. i. 14. great features, but all the details, down to the minutest particulars of this grand measure, were worked out by Lord Castlereagh, both in their original conception in the Cabinet and in the subsequent contest in the Legislature;

1 Castle

reagh Cor

military tribunals was so obvious as not to admit of a question; indeed, the degree of public danger was then such as to preclude the ordinary courts of law from sitting. Latterly the rebellion has degenerated, particularly in the counties of Wicklow, Wexford, Kildare, Westmeath, and Dublin, into a petty warfare, not less afflicting to the loyal inhabitants, though less formidable to the State. In those counties the number of persons taken in the commission of the most shocking crimes, still acting upon treasonable and systematic principles, has been such as to render it impossible to trust to the usual administration of justice for the punishment of the offenders: indeed, in Wicklow and Wexford it has been found altogether impracticable to hold the assizes. The two jurisdictions being in activity at the same time, could not well fail to clash sooner or later, as has happened in Tone's case. His conviction will be effected with equal certainty by civil as by military law, his trial being had in the metropolis, where the courts are open; and, under the circumstances of the case, it is not of that description upon which it would be expedient to bring the matter to issue: but it certainly deserves to be well considered, should the country remain unsettled for any length of time, whether both jurisdictions are not requisite. ... It was before resisted upon the principle that there was less violence done to the constitution in giving indemnity to those who have acted illegally for the preservation of the State, than in enacting laws so adverse to the usual spirit of our Legislature. . . . I trust, however, that the internal situation of the country may improve, now the prospect of foreign assistance is in a great measure at an end, and that we may be saved an alternative so unpleasant as that of yielding to this tormenting evil, rather than risk the adoption of a strong remedy, or of being driven to extend the powers of a military code to civil crimes, if crimes can be called civil which are invariably committed in arms."—— LORD CASTLEREAGH to MR WICKHAM, Nov. 16, 1798; Castlereagh Correspondence, i. 446, 447.

I.

and it is not going too far to assert, that it was mainly CHAP. owing to the courage, perseverance, judgment, and talent, as well as tact and temper with which he supported it, that its ultimate success, fraught as it was with the best1Ibid. interests of the empire, is to be ascribed.1

1798.

gress of the

to the

Union.

For some little time after it had become generally 75. known that a proposal for uniting the two countries was Rapid proabout to be brought forward, there was a sort of stupor resistance in the public mind on the subject, and hopes were even entertained at the Castle that it would pass without any very serious opposition; but they were soon undeceived. The barristers of the four courts, as already noticed, were the first to take it up, which they did warmly and almost unanimously. Several able pamphlets appeared against the measure from the pen of gentlemen, supporters of the Government on ordinary occasions, particularly Sir Jonah Barrington, Judge of the Court of Admiralty, and Mr Bushe, afterwards Solicitor-General and Chief-Justice of Ireland, and Mr Jebb, M.P. These productions quickly blew the embers into a flame. The violence rapidly increased, and soon became excessive. The general strain of the argument against the measure was, that absenteeism would extend, the interest of the debt to England increase, their manufactures be ruined by the removal of all protection against British manufactures, the proprietors and shopkeepers in Dublin be impoverished, and the country drained of all its money to enrich the neighbouring island. What much strengthened the side of the opponents of the measure was, that the strongest arguments in favour of it could not be brought a Mr Cooke forward, they being founded on the misgovernment of the Castlecountry under former administrations; which would not reagh, Dec. only have sounded strange in the mouth of the supporters Castlereagh Corresp. ii. of the present administration, but gone far to vindicate 43-45. the rebellion in the eyes of those at a distance.2

While this vehement struggle was commencing among the Protestants, the great body of the Roman Catholics,

2

to Lord

15, 1798;

I.

1798.

76.

Views of

lics on the

question.

CHAP. who, from their influence in the counties, might be likely to cast the balance one way or other, remained inactive, and to appearance indifferent. They were not so, however, in reality, but they were distracted by opposite the Catho- considerations. On the one hand, they felt that a union with a country of such influence and resources as Great Britain would immediately weaken, and in the end probably extinguish, the ascendancy of that Protestant oligarchy which had hitherto ruled the country; and thus remove many of the most serious evils under which it has so long laboured, and restore the Catholics to that rank and position to which, by their great preponderance in numbers, they were entitled. On the other hand, this very circumstance rendered the far-seeing Catholic leaders very doubtful of the policy of supporting the measure. Their great numerical superiority, with the growing tendency of the age towards popular institutions, rendered it next to certain that in a separate legislature they would have a majority, and, as long as they were kept separate, give them the entire command of Ireland. Thus the Catholic body were irresolute and divided. Lord Fingall and the higher part of their number inclined to the support of the measure, but in so feeble and languid a way that little was to be expected from their reagh Cor- co-operation; and the utmost that could reasonably be hoped for was, that they would be neutral in the approaching conflict.1

1 Castle

resp.

51.

ii. 45

The most formidable opposition to the measure was found among the barristers and citizens of Dublin, the country gentlemen over all Ireland, and the lower ranks against the of the Orangemen and Protestants of the north. With

77. General union of the Protestants

measure.

most of them it was not mere resistance, but absolute horror.* The opposition of these classes was the more to be

"When I warn you of the universal disgust, nay horror, that Dublin, and even all the lower part of the north, have at the idea of the Union, I do not do it with any idea that my opinion would have a weight in turning Government from their design, but from a wish that they should know what they have to contend with; for I confess to you, that I fear more the effect the measure

I.

1798.

apprehended that they were the very ones which had CHAP. stood most resolutely by the Government in the late crisis; that their representatives had hitherto formed a decided, and in fact the ruling majority in the Irish Parliament; and that, apart from the influence of the Crown and that of a few disinterested patriots, there was no counter-influence in the country which could be relied on except the lukewarm and doubtful support of those who had so recently been arrayed in open rebellion against them. It must be admitted that a more arduous and hazardous undertaking could hardly be figured than such a one at such a crisis; and the difficulty was much enhanced by the circumstance that whatever might be the prospective and ultimate advantages of the measure, it threatened, in the first instance at least, to inflict a great and serious injury on many of the most important vested interests of the country.

78.

Lord Castle

the subject.

In a very able memoir on this subject submitted at this time to the Duke of Portland as Home Secretary by Memoir by Lord Castlereagh, the reality and magnitude of these reagh on threatened interests was very clearly brought out. The classes which he stated as likely to be injured by the direct effects of the Union, were the borough proprietors, the primary and secondary interests in counties, the barristers, the purchasers of seats in the present Parliament, and the inhabitants of Dublin. He estimated the loss directly accruing to these classes from the Union at £1,455,000.* With truth did he add: "If the above

will have on the minds of the people, particularly those that were the best affected, than I do the measure itself."-J. C. BERESFORD, ESQ., to LORD CASTLEREAGH, December 19, 1798; Castlereagh Correspondence, ii. 51.

"It is evident that borough property must suffer a diminution of value by the proposed arrangement. There being but one member for each county intended, thirty-two individuals, whose weight now returns them to Parliament, must stand absolutely excluded. The primary interests, though not threatened with exclusion, are exposed to new contests. The barristers in Parliament look to it as depriving them of their best means of advancement, and of their present business in the courts, if they support it, the attorneys having formed a combination for this purpose. The purchasers are averse to it, as being a surrender without advantage of the money paid for

CHAP.

I.

1799.

statement approaches towards the truth, there is a most formidable principle of resistance existing in the nature of the arrangement, which, connected with the general strength of opposition and supported by local clamour, it is difficult for the weight of administration or the merits of the measure itself to overcome. What measure of national advantage could prevail on the individuals of whom Parliament is composed to sacrifice a million and a half of their own private property for the public benefit? National calamity or popular authority might compel them to do so; but the danger must be more imminent, and their preservation be more obviously and immediately connected than it is, or else the popular authority must be very strong in favour of the measure, before they will yield their private to their public feel

their present seats. The individuals connected with Dublin, right or wrong, consider a union as tending to lower the value of their property.

"Some estimate may be made of the amount of value thus supposed to operate against the measure. It is proposed to alternate 108 boroughs. Taking an Irish seat at £2000, and an English seat at £4000, the loss of value on an Irish borough would be about one-half, or £7000 on each-making, in the gross, £756,000. Estimating a county seat at an equal value, where the superior pride of the situation counterbalances its uncertainty, the loss on thirty-two seats extinguished amounts to £224,000. The superior value of the other seat cannot, as in the boroughs, operate as a set-off, as it does not in the case of counties belong to the same individual; it can only counterbalance, in a certain degree, to the person possessing the leading interests, the superior risk and expense to which he will be exposed. It is difficult to estimate the private interests of the barristers, but it must be pretty considerable, as they are about thirty in number, many of whom purchased their seats-say £4000 each-taking their seats and prospects of situation together, which gives a result of £200,000. The purchasers into the present Parliament are very numerous; supposing only fifty at £1500 each, seats being peculiarly cheap, gives £75,000. The Dublin influence it is difficult to estimate; it arises out of property and houses, lands, canal shares, &c., which the owners very falsely conceive would suffer in Dublin-call it £200,000. The calculation will then stand thus:

-Memorandum relative to Opposition to the Union, by LORD CASTLEREAGH, sent to DUKE OF PORTLAND, Feb. 1, 1799; Castlereagh Corresp., ii. 150, 151.