is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by t\ superior ones, at variance, and cross-purposes with each other.

And the same is true, in all joint operations wherein those engagei can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as 1 the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no one on board can wis the ship to sink; and yet, not unfrequently, all go down together because too many will direct, and no single mind can be allowed t control.

It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not ex clusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government—the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents., as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of the people in government, is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a . possible refuge from the power of the people.

In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.

It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its connexions, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connexion with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it, induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer, is fixed in that condition for life.

Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed; nor is there any 6uch thing as a free man being fixed for 3 in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are is, and all inferences from them are groundless. Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the rait of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first rifted. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the -jsher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of rrotection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and -:A>ably always will be, a relation between labor and capital, prohcing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole ix>r of community exists within that relation. A few men own xital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their capital, jire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong tneither class—neither work for others, nor have others working for ikai. In most of the southern States, a majority of the whole people :;' ill colors, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the northern, v large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their aailies—wives, sons, and daughters—work for themselves, on •.heir farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole -redact to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one iand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten M a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital—that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or lire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.

Again: as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself; then labors on his*own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just, and generous, and prosperous system, which opens the way to all—gives hope to all, and consequent energy, and progress, and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty—none less inclined to take, or touch, aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be us to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall lost.

From the first taking of our National Census to the last, are seven years; and we find our population, at the end of the period, eig times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of tho other things, which men deem desirable, has been even greater. "V^ thus have, at one view, what the popular principle, applied to go ernment, through the machinery of the States and the Union, h produced in a given time; and also what, if firmly maintained, promises for the future. There are already among us those who, the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hundred ar fifty millions. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-dayit is for a vast future also. W#th a reliance on Providence, all th more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which event have devolved upon us.


Washington, December 3, 1861.

Schedule A.

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, 1861.

Rev. .

Sib: Having been solicited by Christian ministers, and other pious people, to appoint suitable persons to act as chaplains at the hospitals for our sick and wounded soldiers, and feeling the intrinsic propriety of having such persons to so act, and yet believing there is no law conferring the power upon me to appoint them, I think fit to say that if you will voluntarily enter upon and perform the appropriate duties of such position, I will recommend that Congress make compensation therefor at the same rate as chaplains in the army are compensated.

The following are the names and dates, respectively, of the persons and times to whom and when such letters were delivered:

Rev. G. G. Goss September 25, 1861.

Rev. John G. Butler September 25, 1861.

Rev. Henry Hopkins September 25, 1861.

Rev. F. M. Magrath October 30, 1861.

Rev. F. E. Boyle October 30,. 1861.

Rev. John C. Smith November 7, 1861.

Rev. Wm, Y. Brown November 7, 1861.

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M President's Message To Congress, At The Opening Of Its Session In December, 1861.


Page. St. Hick (Secretary of State) to all the Ministers of the United

States Feb. 28,1861. 31

It. Sctohi (Secretary of State) to all the Ministers of the United

Sates r March 9,1861. 32

SL' Seward to ministers of the United States in France, England,

Esaa, Prussia, Austria, Belgium, Italy, and Denmark April 24,1861. 34


Ki. Seward to Mr. Judd, (extract) March 22,1861. 37

Mr. Wright to Mr. Seward, (extract) May 8,1861. 38

iraetosame, (extract) May 15,1861.

sine to same, (extract) . May 26,1861. 39

SfflKtosamc, (extracts) _ June 8,1861.

Ssckto same, (extract with accompaniments). June 25,1861. 41

Bnon Sohleinitz to Baron Gerolt June 13,1861. 41

Mr. Seward to Baron Gerolt July 16,1861. 44

Bbw Gerolt to Mr. Seward July 17,1861. 45

If. Juki to Mr. Seward, (extracts) July 2,1861. 46

Same to same, (extract, with an accompaniment) July 24,1861. 47

fc. Sesard to Mr. Judd July 26,1861. 49

S«w to same, (extract) ...i i. Aug. 12,1861. 49

it. Jodd to Mr. Seward, (extract) Aug. 27,1861. 50

S«me to same, (extract) -. „ Oct. 10,1861. 50

feSwudtoMr. Judd Oct. 21,1861. 51

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