henceforward under the Collective Guarantee of the Contracting Powers.

In consequence, the said Principality shall preserve its Independence and National Administration, as well as full Liberty of Worship, of Legislation, of Commerce, and of Navigation.

B. The Dardanelles Convention. March 26, 1856. Herstlet, Map of Europe by Treaty, 1266-1269.

Their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of All the Russias, signing Parties to the Convention of the 13th day of July, 1841, and His Majesty the King of Sardinia; wishing to record in common their unanimous determination to conform to the ancient rule of the Ottoman Empire, according to which the Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus are Closed to Foreign Ships of War, so long as the Porte is at Peace;

Their said Majesties, on the one part, and His Majesty the Sultan, on the other, have resolved to renew the Convention concluded at London on the 13th day of July, 1841, with the exception of some modifications of detail which do not affect the principle upon which it rests;

I. His Majesty the Sultan, on the one part, declares that he is firmly resolved to maintain for the future the principle invariably established as the ancient rule of his Empire, and in virtue of which it has, at all times, been prohibited for the Ships of War of Foreign Powers to enter the Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus; and that, so long as the Porte is at Peace, His Majesty will admit no Foreign Ship of War into the said Straits.

And their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of All the Russias, and the King of Sardinia, on the other part, en

gage to respect this determination of the Sultan, and to conform themselves to the principle above declared.

C. Declaration Respecting Maritime Power. April 16, 1856. Herstlet, Map of Europe by Treaty, 1282-1283.

The Plenipotentiaries who signed the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of March, 1856, assembled in Conference,Considering:

That Maritime Law, in time of war, has long been the subject of deplorable disputes;

That the uncertainty of the law and of the duties in such a matter, gives rise to differences of opinion between Neutrals and Belligerents which may occasion serious difficulties, and even conflicts;

That it is consequently advantageous to establish a uniform doctrine on so important a point;

That the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Congress at Paris cannot better respond to the intentions by which their Governments are animated, than by seeking to introduce into interrational relations fixed principles in this respect;

The above-mentioned Plenipotentiaries, being duly authorised, resolved to concert among themselves as to the means of attaining this object; and, having come to an agreement, have adopted the following solemn Declaration:

1. Privateering is, and remains, abolished;

2. The Neutral Flag covers Enemy's Goods, with the exception of Contraband of War;

3. Neutral Goods, with the exception of Contraband of War, are not liable to capture under Enemy's Flag;

4.

Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective, that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.

The Governments of the Undersigned Plenipotentiaries engage to bring the present Declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Paris, and to invite them to accede to it.

Convinced that the maxims which they now proclaim cannot but be received with gratitude by the whole world, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries doubt not that the efforts of

their Governments to obtain the general adoption thereof, will be crowned with full success.

The present Declaration is not, and shall not be binding, except between those powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it.

Done at Paris, the 16th of April, 1856.

116. Documents upon the War in Italy.

The principal purpose of this group of documents is to throw light upon five features of the subject to which they relate. (1) Documents A and B show how the issue of war as between Austria and Piedmont was joined. (2) Document C may be regarded as an official defence and announcement of the purpose of French participation in the war. (3) From document D something may be learned of what the Italians expected from French assistance. (4) Documents E and F show the terms upon which the war was concluded and the settlement of the Italian question intended by Napoleon III. (5) Document G shows the compensation exacted by France for its participation in the war.

REFERENCES. Fyffe. Modern Europe, III, 251-281 (Popular ed., 873-892); Seignobos, Europe Since 1814, 793-797; Andrews, Modern Europe, II, 112-145; Cesaresco, Cavour, Chs. VIII-X: Stillman, Union of Italy, Ch. XII; King, Italian Unity, II, 45-51, 3557, 61-70, 77-82, 115-122; Lavisse and Rambaud, Histoire Generale, XI, 263-276.

A. The Austrian Ultimatum. April 19, 1856. Herstlet, Map of Europe by Treaty, 1359-1360.

The Imperial Government, as your Excellency is aware, has hastened to accede to the proposal of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg to assemble a Congress of the 5 Powers with the view to remove the complications which have arisen in Italy.

Convinced, however, of the impossibility to enter, with any chance of success, upon pacific deliberations in the midst of the noise of arms, and of preparations for War carried on in a neighboring Country, we have demanded the placing on a Peace Footing of the Sardinian Army, and the disbanding of the Free Corps, or Italian Volunteers, previously to the meeting of the Congress.

Her Britannic Majesty's Government finds this condition so just, and so consonant with the exigencies of the situation, that it did not hesitate to adopt it, at the same time declaring itself to be ready, in conjunction with France, to insist on the immediate disarmament of Sardinia, and to offer her in return a Collective Guarantee against any attack on our part, to which, of course, Austria would have done honour.

The Cabinet of Turin seems only to have answered, by a categorical refusal to the invitation to put her army on a Peace Footing, and to accept the Collective Guarantee which was offered her. This refusal inspires us with regrets, so much the more deep, that if the Sardinian Government had consented to the testimony of pacific sentiments which was demanded of her, we should have accepted it as a first symptom of her intention to assist, on her side, in bringing about an improvement in the relations between the two countries which have unfortunately been in such a state of tension for some years past. In that case it would have been permitted us to furnish, by the breaking up of the Imperial troops stationed in the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, another proof that they were not assembled for the purpose of aggression against Sardinia.

Our hope having been hitherto deceived, the Emperor, my august master, has ordered me to make directly a last effort to cause the Sardinian government to reconsider the decision which it seems to have resolved on. Such is the object of this letter.

I have the honour to entreat your Excellency to take its contents into your most serious consideration, and to let me know if the Royal Government consents, yes or no, to put its Army on a Peace Footing without delay, and to disband the Italian volunteers.

The bearer of this letter, to whom, M. le Comte, you will be so good as to give your answer, is ordered to hold himself at your disposition to this effect for 3 days.

Should he receive no answer at the expiration of this term, or should this answer not be completely satisfactory, the responsibility of the grave events which this refusal would entail would fall entirely on His Sardinian Majesty's Government.

After having exhausted in vain all conciliatory means to procure for these populations the guarantee of peace, on which the Emperor has a right to insist, His Majesty will be obliged, to his great regret, to have recourse to force of arms to retain it.

In the hope that the answer which I solicit of your Excellency will be congenial to our wishes for the maintenance of Peace, I seize, &c.,

C. CAVOUR.

BUOL.

B. Reply of Sardinia. April 26, 1859. Herstlet, Map of Europe by Treaty, 1361.

The question of the Disarmament of Sardinia, which constitutes the basis of the demand which your Excellency addresses to me, has been the subject of numerous negotiations between the Great Powers and the Government of the King. These negotiations led to a proposition drawn up by England, to which France, Prussia, and Russia adhered. Sardinia, in a spirit of conciliation, accepted it without reserve or afterthought. Since your Excellency can neither be ignorant either of the proposition of England nor the answer, I could add nothing in order to make known the intentions of the Government of the King with regard to the difficulties which were opposed to the assembling of the Congress.

The decided conduct of Sardinia has been appreciated by Europe. Whatever may be the consequences which it entails, the King, my august master, is convinced that the responsibility will devolve upon them who first armed, who have refused the propositions made by a great Power, and recognized as just and reasonable by the others, and who now substitute a menacing summons in its stead.

C. Proclamation of Napoleon III. May 3, 1859. Moniteur, May 4, 1859.

Frenchmen!

Austria, in causing its army to enter the territory of the King of Sardinia, our ally, declares war upon us. It thus violates treaties and justice, and threatens our frontiers. All the great Powers have protested against that aggression. Piedmont having accepted conditions which must have assured peace, it may be asked what can be the reason for this sud