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* labour and industry to so considerable an extent, would "be unwise and the experiment, if made, could not "succeed, because it would not long be endured. Little "more can reasonably be aimed at, with respect to the "people at large, than to have them properly armed "and equipped; and in order to see that this be not neglected, it will be necessary to assemble them once or twice in the course of a year.

"But, though the scheme of disciplining the whole "nation must be abandoned as mischievous or impracti "cable; yet it is a matter of the utmost importance, that "a well digested plan should, as soon as possible, be "adopted for the proper establishment of the militia. "The attention of the government ought particularly to "be directed to the formation of a select corps of mode"rate size, upon such principles as will really fit it for "service in case of need. By thus circumscribing the "plan, it will be possible to have an excellent body of "well trained militia, ready to take the field whenever the "defence of the state shall require it. This will not "only lessen the call for military establishments; but if "circumstances should at any time oblige the govern"ment to form an army of any magnitude, that army can "never be formidable to the liberties of the people, 16 while there is a large body of citizens, little, if at all, "inferior to them in discipline and the use of arms, who "stand ready to defend their own rights, and those "of their fellow citizens. This appears to me the only "substitute that can be devised for a standing army; and "the best possible security against it, if it should exist."

Thus differently from the adversaries of the proposed constitution should I reason on the same subject; deducing arguments of safety from the very sources which they represent as fraught with danger and perdition. But how the national legislature may reason on the point, is a thing which neither they nor I can foresee.

There is something so far fetched, and so extravagant, in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like

from it, in its application to the authority of the federal government over the militia, is as uncandid, as it is illogical. What reason could there be to infer, that force was intended to be the sole instrument of authority, merely because there is a power to make use of it when necessary? What shall we think of the motives which could induce men of sense to reason in this extraordinary manner? How shall we prevent a conflict between charity and conviction?

By a curious refinement upon the spirit of republican jealousy, we are even taught to apprehend danger from the militia itself, in the hands of the federal government. It is observed, that select corps may be formed, composed of the young and the ardent, who may be rendered subservient to the views of arbitrary power. What plan for the regulation of the militia may be pursued by the national government, is impossible to be foreseen. But so far from viewing the matter in the same light with those who object to select corps as dangerous, were the constition ratified, and were I to deliver my sentiments to a member of the federal legislature on the subject of a militia establishment, I should hold to him in substance the following discourse:

"The project of disciplining all the militia of the United "States, is as futile as it would be injurious, if it were "capable of being carried into execution. A tolerable "expertness in military movements, is a business that "requires time and practice. It is not a day, nor a week, "nor even a month, that will suffice for the attainment of "it. To oblige the great body of the yeomanry, and of "the other classes of the citizens, to be under arms for "the purpose of going through military exercises and " evolutions, as often as might be necessary to acquire "the degree of perfection which would entitle them to the "character of a well regulated militia, would be a real "grievance to the people, and a serious public inconveni"ence and loss. It would form an annual deduction from "the productive labour of the country, to an amount, "which, calculating upon the present numbers of the "people, would not fall far short of a million of pounds. "To attempt a thing which would abridge the mass of

* labour and industry to so considerable an extent, would "be unwise and the experiment, if made, could not "succeed, because it would not long be endured. Little

more can reasonably be aimed at, with respect to the "people at large, than to have them properly armed "and equipped; and in order to see that this be not "neglected, it will be necessary to assemble them once or twice in the course of a year.

"But, though the scheme of disciplining the whole "nation must be abandoned as mischievous or impracti"cable; yet it is a matter of the utmost importance, that "a well digested plan should, as soon as possible, be "adopted for the proper establishment of the militia. "The attention of the government ought particularly to "be directed to the formation of a select corps of mode"rate size, upon such principles as will really fit it for "service in case of need. By thus circumscribing the ❝plan, it will be possible to have an excellent body of "well trained militia, ready to take the field whenever the "defence of the state shall require it. This will not "only lessen the call for military establishments; but if "circumstances should at any time oblige the govern"ment to form an army of any magnitude, that army can "never be formidable to the liberties of the people, "while there is a large body of citizens, little, if at all, "inferior to them in discipline and the use of arms, who "stand ready to defend their own rights, and those "of their fellow citizens. This appears to me the only "substitute that can be devised for a standing army; and "the best possible security against it, if it should exist."

Thus differently from the adversaries of the proposed constitution should I reason on the same subject; deducing arguments of safety from the very sources which they represent as fraught with danger and perdition. But how the national legislature may reason on the point, is a thing which neither they nor I can foresee.

There is something so far fetched, and so extravagant, in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like

the paradoxes of rhetoricians; as a disingenuous artifice, to instil prejudices at any price; or as the serious offspring of political fanaticism. Where, in the name of common sense, are our fears to end, if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbours, our fellow citi zens? What shadow of danger can there be from men, who are daily mingling with the rest of their country. men; and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits, and interests ? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary; while the parti cular states are to have the sole and exclusive appointment of the officers? If it were possible seriously to indulge a jealousy of the militia, upon any conceivable establishment under the federal government, the circumstance of the officers being in the appointment of the states, ought at once to extinguish it. There can be no doubt, that this circumstance will always secure to them a preponderating influence over the militia.

In reading many of the publications against the constitution, a man is apt to imagine that he is perusing some ill written tale or romance; which, instead of natural and agreeable images, exhibits to the mind nothing but frightful and distorted shapes....

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Gorgons, Hydras, and Chimeras dire ;

discolouring and disfiguring whatever it represents, and transforming every thing it touches into a monster.

A sample of this is to be observed in the exaggerated and improbable suggestions which have taken place respecting the power of calling for the services of the militia. That of New Hampshire is to be marched to Georgia, of Georgia to New Hampshire, of New York to Kentucky, and of Kentucky to Lake Champlain. Nay, the debts due to the French and Dutch, are to be paid in militia men, instead of Louis d'ors and ducats. At one moment, there is to be a large army to lay pros-` trate the liberties of the people; at another moment, the militia of Virginia are to be dragged from their homes,

five or six hundred miles, to tame the republican contumacy of Massachusetts; and that of Massachusetts is to be transported an equal distance, to subdue the refractory haughtiness of the aristocratic Virginians. Do the persons, who rave at this rate, imagine, that their art or their eloquence can impose any conceits or absurdities upon the people of America for infallible truths?

If there should be an army to be made use of as the engine of despotism, what need of the militia? If there should be no army, whither would the militia, irritated at being required to undertake a distant and distressing expedition, for the purpose of rivetting the chains of slavery upon a part of their countrymen, direct their course, but to the seat of the tyrants, who had meditated so foolish, as well as so wicked a project; to crush them in their imagined entrenchments of power, and make them an example of the just vengeance of an abused and incensed people? Is this the way in which usurpers stride to dominion over a numerous and enlightened nation? Do they begin by exciting the detestation of the very instruments of their intended usurpations? Do they usually commence their career by wanton and dis. gustful acts of power, calculated to answer no end, but to draw upon themselves universal hatred and execration ? Are suppositions of this sort, the sober admonitions of discerning patriots to a discerning people? Or are they the inflammatory ravings of chagrined incendiaries, or distempered enthusiasts? If we were even to suppose the national rulers actuated by the most ungovernable ambition, it is impossible to believe that they would employ such preposterous means to accomplish their designs.

In times of insurrection, or invasion, it would be natural and proper, that the militia of a neighbouring state should be marched into another, to resist a common enemy, or to guard the republic against the violences of faction or sedition. This was frequently the case, in respect to the first object, in the course of the late war; and this mutual succour is, indeed, a principal end of our political association. If the power of affording it be placed under the

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