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diction. The most prosaic parts of speech, names and numbers, have been made to flow most beautifully. In reality we may call the Welsh Bible poetry in prose. The most superficial reader of it cannot help being struck by its wonderful ease and flow of diction. Every reader of the Welsh Bible is charmed with such verses as,-“ A Duw a ddywedodd Bydded goleuni,' a goleuni a fu." "And God said, Let there be light,' and there was light." Take again,— Felly yr hwyr a fu a'r boreu a fu y dydd cyntaf." "And the evening and the morning were the first day." Here the Welsh not only excels the English in euphony but also in correctness. The Welsh has the verb "was" after both "evening" and "morning," but the English makes evening and morning subject to the verb "were." "The evening and the morning were." But But the Revised Version reads, "and the evening was and the morning was the first day;" and this is the reading of the Welsh Bible. Notice also the rhythm of the new name in which God reveals Himself to Moses,-" Ydwyf yr Hwn ydwyf." "I am that I am." But there is a fulness and a swing about the Welsh which is not in the English. Here is another, "Taflodd y march a'i farchog i'r môr." "The horse and his rider hath He thrown into the sea.' The Welsh clings to your mind and you cannot forget it. Let me give one other example. In the book of Revelation xiv. 1, the seer says that he saw the Lamb stand

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ing on Mount Sion and with him he saw an hundred forty and four thousand." This is not at all pleasing. The Revised Version is better,-"A hundred and forty and four thousand." But notice the Welsh,

"a chydag Ef bedair mil a saith ugeinmil. It is a little gem. And of such gems as these our Welsh Bible is full. It is no wonder it is so musical; for God had prepared those early translators of our Bible to their noble task by filling their souls with poetry as well as their heads with learning. Those men were not only scholars but also poets, and their poetry will live unto the ages of the future in the poetical diction of the Welsh Bible.

The German may praise his Goethe, the Italian his Dante, and the Englishman his Shakespeare, but the Welshman invariably praises his Bible. Its history he adores, its poetry he esteems, and its marvellous story he loves in his very heart. And he is never tired of singing,

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THE SONG OF THE NIGHTINGALE

Cathl yr Eos (Alun).

WHEN night beneath her sable wings

Our world and all things hideth,

Though woodland choirs no more are heard
Thy song, sweet bird, abideth;
And if there be within thy heart

Some bitter smart sharp stinging,
Thou failest not till morning break
To ease thy ache with singing.

And like to thee the partner fair

Than rubies rare more precious,

Though sun withdraw and earth o'er shrouds With murky clouds vexatious; Liverpool.

When daylight-comforters shall flee
More faithful she,-discreetest,-
In darkest night of pain and wrong
Then is her song the sweetest.

Although perchance her tender breast
With grief opprest may languish,
From those beloved lest woe betide

Her song doth hide her anguish ;
Nor through the dreary night shall cease
That song of peace and gladness,
Till morn arise with golden ray

And charm away her sadness.

R. DRURY,

SOME

MERIONETHSHIRE

CHURCHES.

BY THE LATE W. W. E. WYNNE, OF PENIARTH.

(D. Notes 1 and 2).-Copied from the original MSS. in the possession of E. Griffith, Esq., J.P., Springfield, Dolgellau.

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BARMOUTH. ITHIN a short distance of the south side of the church at Barmouth is an old building, which we believe is used as a warehouse, and was,-perhaps still is,-known by the name of Tygwyn yn Bermo. It was, sometime since, nearly in ruins, but has of late years been partially if not entirely repaired. This building is said This building is said to have been erected by Griffith Vaughan of Cors y Gedol, in the reign of Edward IV. or of Richard III., to enable Vaughan more readily to communicate with Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke and his nephew Henry, young Earl of Richmond, then fugitives in France, than he could do at Cors y Gedol. A contemporary poem, in the Welsh language, written upon the erection of Tygwyn yn Bermo, is believed to be extant. It is also said that from Cors y Gedol the two earls escaped to France, in the former reign. The following extract, relating to this subject from a MS. in the autograph of Robert Vaughan, of Hengwrt, the Merionethshire antiquary, may be interesting to our readers, "This Griffith Vaughan was in great credit with Jasper Earl of Pembroke, who lay in his house at Cors y Gedol, when he fled to France, in the time of Edward IV., and as some report, Harry, the Earl of Richmond, with him, who afterwards was king of England." We find in Hume, who gives as his authority Babington and Polydore Virgil, that "the Earl of Pembroke, who was levying forces in Wales, disbanded his army when he received intelligence of the battle of Tewkesbury

Manuscript history of the Vaughans, of Cors y Gedol, by W. Vaughan, Esq., in the Mostyn Library.

(in 1471); and he fled into Brittany with his nephew, the young Earl of Richmond."

LLANABER.

Poor in their architectural features as are

generally the churches of North Wales, and perhaps, in particular those of Merionethshire, the church of Llanaber may without hesitation be pronounced as one of the exceptions. Though small, it consists of a nave, with clerestory, side aisles, and chancel of pure "early English" architecture. In the exterior of the church there is nothing remarkable but its beautiful southern doorway. We would therefore recommend an examination of its interior. Unfortunately this church is in a very dilapidated state, and the north side of the chancel is much disfigured by a comparatively modern transept. The east end of the chancel has only a single lancet window, which is of very unusual occurrence.

LLANEGRYN.

To the ecclesiologist, the antiquary, or the admirer of magnificent scenery, there are few more interesting excursions from Dolgelley than to this little church; distant, by the magnificent coast road commanding a view of the summit of Snowdon and the long line of the Carnarvonshire mountains, about eighteen miles; by the scarcely less beautiful mountain one, about twelve. But let a fine day be chosen for a visit to Llanegryn. On a wet or cloudy day, the tourists' view along the coast will be confined to the waste of waters, above the margin of which he travels; should he choose the mountain road, if the weather be not fine, he will find himself enveloped in fog, nearly the whole way. Llanegryn church is prettily situated on an elevated bank above the village. From the churchyard, the south-east part of the Bay of Cardigan appears to be completely landlocked, and might be mistaken for a large lake. But that which renders this unpretending edifice so worthy of a visit, is its

magnificent rood loft, which has been styled "the glorious rood loft" of Llanegryn,* and the most beautiful specimen of church art in North Wales." The date of this interesting work may be attributed to the commencement of the 14th century, probably about the year 1500,-it is consequently in the late perpendicular style of English architecture, and is supposed to have been erected by the monks of Cymmer or Vaner, who were the proprietors of the great tithes of the parish. Llanegryn church contains also a very interesting, though rude font, of early Norman work. It is in the form of what is known as the Norman cushion capital, and the mode in which the upper part of

the

square exterior is rounded off so as to accommodate it to the circular interior is very remarkable. A font, somewhat similar to this, but of better workmanship, is in the church of the next parish, Llanfihangel. Llanegryn church is now undergoing a thorough restoration. The carved oak ceiling over the altar has been repaired and restored. The sacrarium, or enclosure within the altar rails, has been raised a step, as much as the sill of the window would allow of, a pattern of encaustic tiles has been laid in the centre of the old marble pavement with which the sacrarium is floored, and the step has been faced with tiles of the same description; three new windows have also been inserted. The last window is a copy from one, probably of late decorated work, in the church of Llantisilio in

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Anglesey. The tracery of it is good, but the window has some of the faults of the original; in particular, the too great size of the hood moulding, and the want of sufficient weathering in the sill. The walls of the chancel are almost covered, perhaps we might say disfigured, with the monuments of the Peniarth family, which, though handsome of their sort, are in bad style of the early part of the last and present centuries. The oak roof of this church, though plain, is not bad, and was probably erected in the fifteenth century.

TOWYN.

In this church, the nave of which is rude, but probably extremely early Norman work, is perhaps one of the earliest Christian inscriptions in North Wales. It is the monument stone of St. Cadvan, the founder of the church, and on the same stone is inscribed a brief memorial of Cyngen, who is supposed to have been one of the princes of Powis. The date which may be assigned to this stone cannot be much later than the middle of the sixth century; it affords an unanswerable proof that the cross is incorrectly considered by some as a Romish symbol, as that sacred symbol of our faith is inscribed upon the stone, which must have been erected nearly half a century before the British church refused, at the dictation of Pope Gregory the First, to acknowledge Augustine the monk as their archbishop, telling him plainly "we shall not be thy subjects," and that they knew of no authority he had over them.

HOW MAURICE KYFFIN LED ME INTO TROUBLE.

CHAPTER I.

NE day, some time ago, I found the following entry in the Manuscript Working Catalogue of the British Museum, under the head of "Maurice Kyffin,"

"A Defence of the Honourable Sentence and Execution of Mary, queen of Scots. At London printed by John Windet, 1587.”

I already knew of Kyffin's translations of the Andria of Terence; of his "Blessed

ness of Brytaine," published partly in 1587, and reproduced with additions in 1588; and of his translation of Jewel's Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanae. The entry about the Queen of Scots came upon

me as a revelation. I made out a ticket and sent for the book. The ticket was presently returned to me at the táble where I sat with a remark in pencil,'Large room." I immediately proceeded to the square room at the back of the

Reading Room, and the book was produced. It is a small quarto without pagination, very beautifully printed, and bound, and in an excellent state of preservation. The title page does not reveal the name of the author, the little volume was published anonymously.

The year 1587 is memorable in the history of Queen Elizabeth, for it was in that year that Mary Queen of Scots was executed at Fotheringay. The execution took place on the eighth of February. The Defence was registered with the Stationers on the eleventh, or only three days after.

It contains eight chapters. The contents are as follows,—

"The first chapter conteining an analogie or resemblance between Jone, Queene of Naples, and Marie, late Queene of Scotlande. "The second chapter conteining an other analogie or resemblance between the Emperor Licurius and the said Queene Mary.

"The third chapter conteining certaine precedents of sundrie Emperors and Kings that have in some case put other Princes unto death.

"The fourth chapter conteyning the actes and judgementes of sundrie Popes which have approved the death of some Princes.

"The fift chapter conteining a confirmation of the Honourable Sentence and Execution passed against the late Scottishe Queene by sundrie reasons and authorities gathered foorth of the civil and canon. lawe.

"The sixt chapter conteining severall answers to severall objections lately made against the said sentence.

"The seventh chapter wherein is proved that in two especiall cases that the drawing of the sworde of the one Prince against another is not only lawful but most necessarie.

"The conclusion upon the sum of the saide chapters."

The conclusion occupies four and a half pages, and from its tone seems to be semiofficial. A few specimen sentences may serve for illustration, and be of interest.

"Wherefore let all the world witness, and the consciences of good men which without all partial affection in the single

ness of their hearts follow and favour a truth, what the Prince and people of England, for the glory of God and furtherance of his truth, for the safeguard of Her Majestie and preservation of their estate, either could or should have done rather than this: by the death of one troublesome and treason-working person to have redeemed the quiet and safetie of themselves."

"Let Kings and Princes of all nations of the earth witnes whether ever so many, so monstrous, so horrible treasons were committed by a Prince, a woman, and that against the Lord's Anointed in her own realme; and if they were, yet even they escaped unpunished. And heere, although so many impieties do call for vengeance and commande by God's lawe every magistrate to justice so high a trespasse; yet see, upon pitie rather than pollicie hoping for amendments rather than looking for a newe conspiracie, not harkening to the manifold requestes of her humble, loyall, and most loving subjectes, Her Majestie continued her a troublesome Jonas in the shippe of England still; yet notwithstanding after, since the graceless minds of malecontented subjectes could not be so satisfied nor Her Majesty's great clemency coulde worke in them a conscience of their dutie, but like nettles, the gentler they were handled the more they stinged."

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What man of reason, in whom there is any natural love to his countrie apparence of an honest man would not counsell by justice to remove the Scottishe Queene, the very plague and calamitie of our country, the very groundwork and chief impulsive cause of all these treasons and conspiracies, the hope of discontented subjectes, and the very cause for whom the Pope thundereth and keepeth this stir for whom so many monstres have adventured themselves to destroy Her Majestie, and for whose sake others pretend to have just cause to invade this lande.”

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offender cannot but be honourable, and God is well pleased in the punishment of the wicked; since there was no hope of reconcilement with one which deadly hated, and was still aspiring to the present possession of the kingdome; since there was no remedie left but to justice her or to live in continual fear of being daily murdered, many attempting since her sentence published to destroy Her Majestie; since many good Princes have redeemed their safeties with the death of other, and their is no just place or cause left to her of complaint that is so dealt with as she would have dealt with other,

"Let other Princes and peoples of the earth make the Queen of England's case their case, and the state of Englande the state of their countrie, then I doubt not but as Englande hath done so would they have done, and as Englande is right sorie that such treasons were committed, so would they sorrow if they escaped unpunished."

It will be observed that the writer does not seem to be speaking to his fellowcountrymen, but to other nations and their sovereigns. As I have said, the Defence seems to be semi-official. As some sort of confirmation it is interesting to observe that a French version of the Defence was published in France in 1588. French was the language of diplomacy, and it was perfectly well understood at Rome, Madrid, and all the European courts. Still it is not likely that the book was issued for public sale in France, Spain, or Italy. There would be no demand which would repay author and publisher. A copy of the translation is preserved at the Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris; there is another at the Bodleian, and a third at Jesus College, Oxford; but there is not a copy of the English edition at any of these.

The volume has a local, a specially Welsh, as well as a general interest. Elizabeth and Mary were both the granddaughters of Henry the Seventh, and Henry the Seventh was the grandson of Owen Tudor, of Penmynydd, and both Elizabeth and Mary of Scotland separated consequently from Owen Tudor by only three generations. They were both sovereigns, and both in their own

were

persons the representatives, each on her own side, of one of the greatest intellectual conflicts in the history of religion and of humanity; both were beautiful, both amiable and most accomplished women; one of them perhaps the greatest female sovereign in the history of our race, the other one of the the most unfortunate characters on record; both were served and loved with the most romantic devotion by their Welsh servants; Morgan, Salesbury, John Jones, Donne, and Parry, for instance, in the interests of Mary, conspiring to assassinate Elizabeth; and Kyffin appointed apparently to defend Elizabeth for the execution of Mary.

The selection, if true, of Kyffin for the work was an honour to himself, ac yn ogoniant i hen Wlad y Bryniau. I reflected that it is singular that this Defence has been scarcely, if at all, noticed by English historians; but I did not doubt the accuracy of the catalogue, which, though not absolutely free from error any more than any other human work, is a monument of the labour and of the care of the authorities of one of the greatest libraries of all time, a colossal monument of accurate work. I must confess that I felt inclined to congratulate myself upon the discovery that I seemed to have made. But two questions recurred to me again and again,-(1) Is this Defence semiofficial? (2) Is it the work of Maurice Kyffin? Elizabeth and her ministers keenly appreciated the value of semiofficial declarations through the press and otherwise. In truth the press was a very powerful weapon on both sides of the conflicts and controversies of the Reformation. Whenever Elizabeth and her ministers could not "see the end from the beginning," they cleared the way for her policy by a book or pamphlet, published sometimes anonymously, at other times under the name of some leading man like Jewel, whose apology for the Church appeared at a moment of grave national difficulty, and which answered its purpose admirably.

The queen's position in 1586-7 was a most difficult one, and her circumstances in some respects in that year were more painfully embarrassing than at any

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