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SAMUEL JOHNSON.

their absurdities; some the momentous vicissitudes of life, and some the lighter cccurrences; some the terrors of distress, and some the gaieties of prosperity. Thus rose the two modes of imitation, known by the names of tragedy and comedy, compositions intended to promote different ends by contrary means, and considered as so little allied, that I do not recollect among the Greeks or Romans a single writer who attempted both.

Shakespeare has united the powers of exciting laughter and sorrow, not only in one mind, but in one composition. Almost all his plays are divided between serious and ludicrous characters; and in the successive evolutions of the design, sometimes produce seriousness and sorrow, and sometimes levity and laughter.

That this is a practice contrary to the rules of criticism will be readily allowed; but there is always an appeal open from criticism to nature. The end of writing is to instruct; the end of poetry is to instruct by pleasing. That the mingled drama may convey all the instruction of tragedy or comedy cannot be denied, because it includes both in its alternations of exhibition, and approaches nearer than either to the appearance of life, by showing how great machinations and slender designs may promote or obviate one another, and the high and low co-operate in the general system by unavoidable concatenation. It is objected, that by this change of scenes the passions are interrupted in their progression, and that the principal event, being not advanced by a due graduation of preparatory incidents, wants at least the power to move, which constitutes the perfection of dramatic poetry. This reasoning is so specious that it is received as true even by those who in daily experience feel it to be false. The interchanges of mingled scenes seldom fail to produce the intended vicissitudes of passion. Fiction cannot move so much but that the attention may be easily transferred; and though it must be allowed that pleasing melancholy be sometimes interrupted by unwelcome levity, yet let it be considered that melancholy is often not pleasing, and that the disturbance of one man may be the relief of another; that different auditors have different habitudes; and that upon the whole, all pleasure consists in variety.

Preface to Johnson's edition of Shakespeare, 1765.

POPE'S TRANSLATION OF HOMER. The train of my disquisition has now conducted me to that poetical wonder, the translation of the "Iliad"; a performance which no age nor nation can pretend to equal. To the Greeks translation was almost unknown;

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it was totally unknown to the inhabitants of Greece. They had no resource to the barbarians for poetical beauties, but sought for everything in Homer, where, indeed, there is but little which they might not find. The Italians have been very diligent translators; but I can hear of no version, unless perhaps Anguillara's Ovid may be excepted, which is read with eagerness. The Iliad of Salvini every reader may discover to be punetiliously exact; but it seems to be the work of a linguist skilfully pedantic; and his countrymen, the proper judges of its power to please, reject it with disgust. Their predecessors, the Romans, have left some specimens of translation behind them, and that employment must have had some credit in which Tully and Germanicus engaged; but unless we suppose, what is perhaps true, that the plays of Terence were versions of Menander, nothing translated seems ever to have risen to high reputation. The French, in the meridian hour of their learning, were very laudably industrious to enrich their own language with the wisdom of the ancients; but found themselves reduced, by whatever necessity, to turn the Greek and Roman poetry into prose. Whoever could read an author could translate him. From such rivals little can be feared.

The chief help of Pope in this audacious undertaking was drawn from the versions of Dryden. Virgil had borrowed much of his imagery from Homer; and part of the debt was now paid back by the translator. Pope searched the pages of Dryden for happy combinations of heroic diction; but it will

not be denied that he added much to what he found. He cultivated our language with so much diligence and art that he has left in his "Ilomer" a treasure of poetical elegancies to posterity. His version may be said to have tuned the English tongue; for since its appearance no writer, however deficient in other powers, has wanted melody. Such a series of lines, so elaborately corrected, and so sweetly modulated, took possession of the public ear; the vulgar was enamoured of the poem, and the learned wondered at the translation. But in the most general applause discordant voices will always be heard. It has been objected by some, who wish to be numbered among the sons of learning, that Pope's version of Homer is not Homerical; that it exhibits no resemblance of the original and characteristic manner of the Father of Poetry, as it wants his artless grandeur, his unaf fected majesty.

[Bentley was one of these. He and Pope, soon after the publication of Homer, met at Dr. Mead's at dinner; when Pope, desirous of his opinion of the translation, addressed

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him thus: "Dr. Bentley, I ordered my book- able; since we ought rather to look for the comseller to send you your books: I hope you pletion of his labours from the hands of his folreceived them." Bentley, who had purposely lowers, than demand from himself at once the avoided saying anything about Homer, pre-Hist. of Mod. Philos., 2d edit., Lond., 1847, i. 281– foundation and the superstructure."- MORELL: tended not to understand him, and asked, 295. See also 65, 128-132; ii. 3-5, 50, 69. "Books! books!' what books?" My Homer," replied Pope, which you did me the honour to subscribe for." 66 Oh," said Bentley, "ay, now I recollect-your translation: It is a pretty poem, Mr. Pope: but you must not call it Homer."]

This cannot be totally denied: but it must be remembered that necessitas quod cogit defendit that may be lawfully done which cannot be forborne. Time and place will always enforce regard. In estimating this translation consideration must be had of the nature of our language, the form of our metre, and, above all, of the change which two thousand years have made in the modes of life and the habits of thought. Virgil wrote in a language of the same general fabric with that of Homer, in verses of the same measure, and in age nearer to Homer's time by eighteen hundred years; yet he found, even then, the state of the world so much altered, and the demand for elegance so much increased, that mere nature would be endured no longer; and perhaps, in the multitude of borrowed passages, very few can be shown which he has not embellished. Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets: Pope.

THOMAS REID, D.D., born 1710, was presented to the living of New Machar, Aberdeenshire, 1737, was Professor of Moral Philosophy in King's College, Aberdeen, 1752 to 1781, and died 1796. His best known works are Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man, Edin., 1785,4to, and Essays on the Active Powers of Man, Edin., 1788, 4to; both, Dubl., 1790, 3 vols. 8vo, and other editions. Sir William Hamilton published a portion of Reid's Writings, Lond. and Edin., 1846, 8vo, pp. 914, 5th edit., 1858, Svo, not completed in that shape, but superseded by The Works of Thomas Reid, D.D., now fully collected, etc., 6th edit., Edin., 1863, 2 vols. 8vo, pp. xxiii. 1034, 30s.; Supplementary Part, to complete former Editions, 1863, Svo, 58.

"The great aim of Reid's philosophy, then, was to investigate the true theory of perception; to controvert the representationalist hypothesis, as held in one sense or another by almost all preceding philosophers; and to stay the progress which scepticism, aided by this hypothesis, was so rapidly making. . . . That Reid has done much for the advancement of mental science is almost universally admitted: to complain that he did not accomplish more, or follow out the track which he opened to its furthest results, is perhaps unreason

Thomas Reid, a sincere inquirer after truth, who maintained the existence of certain principles of knowledge, independent of experience, and treated moral philosophy as the science of the other human mind, allowing it, however, no

foundation than that of Common Sense, or a species of Intellectual Instinct."- TENNEMANN: Manual of The Hist. of Philos., trans. by Johnson, Oxf., 1832, 382.

KNOWLEDGE OF THE MIND AND

ULTIES.

ITS FAC

Since we ought to pay no regard to hypothesis, and to be very suspicious of analogical reasoning, it may be asked, from what source must the knowledge of the mind and its faculties be drawn?

I answer, the chief and proper source of this branch of knowledge is accurate reflec tion upon the operations of our own minds. Of this source we shall speak more fully after making some remarks upon two others that may be subservient to it. The first of them is attention to the structure of language. The language of mankind is expressive of their thoughts, and of the various operations of their minds. The various operations of the understanding, will, and passions, which are common to mankind, have various forms of speech corresponding to them in all languages, which are the signs of them, and by which they are expressed: and a due attention to the signs may, in many cases, give considerable light to the things signified by them.

There are in all languages modes of speech by which men signify their judgment, or give their testimony; by which they accept or refuse; by which they ask information or advice; by which they command, or threaten, or supplicate; by which they plight their faith in promises or contracts. If such operations were not common to mankind, we should not find in all languages forms of speech by which they are expressed.

All languages, indeed, have their imperfections,-they can never be adequate to all the varieties of human thought; and therefore things may be really distinct in their nature, and capable of being distinguished by the human mind, which are not distinguished in common language. We can only expect in the structure of languages those distinctions which all mankind in the common business of life have occasion to make.

There may be peculiarities in a particular language of the causes of which we are ignorant, and from which, therefore, we can

WILLIAM MELMOTH.

draw no conclusion. But whatever we find common to all languages must have a common cause; must be owing to some common notion or sentiment of the human mind. We gave some examples of this before, and shall here add another. All languages have a plural number in many of their nouns; from which we may infer that all men have notions, not of individual things only, but of attributes, or things which are common to many individuals; for no individual can have a plural number.

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1785, 8vo); some poems, and Letters [74] on Several Subjects, by Sir Thomas FitzOsborne [William Melmoth]. 1740, 8vo, 14th edit., 1814, 8vo; Boston, Mass., 1805, 8vo. See Memoirs of a late Eminent Advocate [Wm. Melmoth, K.C.] and Bencher, etc., Lond., 1796, 8vo, pp. 72.

for him while Roman and English eloquence can "His Translations of Cicero and Pliny will speak be united."-MATHIAS: Pursuits of Lit., 1797, edit. 1812, roy. 4to, 300, n.

"A translation [of Pliny] supposed to equal the original both in beauty and tone."-DR. ADAM CLARKE.

than the original."-DR. WARTON, in a note on Pope's works.

"One of the few translations that are better

REFLECTIONS UPON STYLE.

The beauties of style seem to be generally considered as below the attention both of an author and a reader. I know not, therefore, whether I may venture to acknowledge, that performance, I particularly admired that among the numberless graces of your late strength and elegance with which you have enforced and adorned the noblest sentiments.

Another source of information in this subject, is a due attention to the course of human actions and conduct. The actions of men are effects; their sentiments, their passions, and their affections are the causes of those effects; and we may, in many cases, form a judgment of the cause from the effect. The behaviour of parents towards their children gives sufficient evidence even to those who never had children, that the parental affection is common to mankind. It is easy to see from the general conduct of men what are the natural objects of their esteem, their admiration, their love, their approbation, their resentment, and of all their other original dispositions. It is obvious, from the conduct of all men in all ages, that man There was a time, however (and it was a is by his nature a social animal; that he period of the truest refinements), when an delights to associate with his species; to excellence of this kind was esteemed in the converse, and to exchange good offices with number of the politest accomplishments; as them. it was the ambition of some of the greatest Not only the actions but even the opin-names of antiquity to distinguish themselves ions of men may sometimes give light into the frame of the human mind. The opinions of men may be considered as the effects of their intellectual powers, as their actions are the effects of their active principles. Even the prejudices and errors of mankind, when they are general, must have some cause no less general; the discovery of which will throw some light upon the frame of the human understanding.

Essays on the Intellectual and Active Powers of Man, Essay I. Ch. v.

WILLIAM MELMOTH, born 1710, a Commissioner of Bankruptcy, 1756, died 1790, published a Translation of the Letters of Pliny the Consul, with Occasional Remarks, Lond., 1746. 2 vols. 8vo; reprinted in 2 vols. 8vo in 1747, 48, '57, '70, 86, '96, 1807; Translations of the Letters of Cicero to several of his Friends, with Remarks, 1753, 3 vols. 8vo; reprinted in 3 vols. Svo. 1778 and '79, and in 2 vols. 8vo, 1814; Translation of Cato; or, An Essay upon Old Age, and Lælius, or An Essay on Friendship, with Remarks, 1773-77, 2 vols. 8vo (the Cato was reprinted 1777, '85, 8vo, the Lælius,

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in the improvement of their native tongue. Julius Cæsar, who was not only the greatest hero, but the finest gentleman, that ever perhaps appeared in the world, was desirous of adding this talent to his other most shining endowments: and we are told he studied the language of his country with much applicahighest elegance. What a loss, Euphronius, tion: as we are sure he possessed it in its which he wrote upon this subject is perished, is it to the literary world that the treatise with many other valuable works of that age! But though we are deprived of the benefit of his observations, we are happily not without an instance of their effects; and his own memoirs will ever remain as the best and brightest examplar, not only of true generalship, but of fine writing. He published them, indeed, only as materials for the use of those who should be disposed to enlarge upon that remarkable period of the Roman story; yet the purity and gracefulness of his style were such that no judicious writer durst attempt to touch the subject after him.

Having produced so illustrious an instance in favour of an art for which I have ventured to admire you, it would be impertinent to add a second, were I to cite a less

authority than that of the immortal Tully. This noble author, in his dialogue concerning the celebrated Roman orators, frequently mentions it as a very high encomiumn, that they possessed the elegance of their native language; and introduces Brutus as declaring that he should prefer the honour of being esteemed the great master and improver of Roman eloquence, even to the glory of many triumphs.

But to add reason to precedent, and to view this art in its use as well as its dignity will it not be allowed of some importance, when it is considered that eloquence is one of the most considerable auxiliaries of truth? Nothing, indeed, contributes more to subdue the mind to the force of reason than her being supported by the powerful assistance of masculine and vigorous oratory. As, on the contrary, the most legitimate arguments may be disappointed of that science they deserve by being attended with a spiritless and enfeebled expression. Accordingly, that most elegant of writers, the inimitable Mr. Addison, observes, in one of his essays, that "There is as much difference between comprehending a thought clothed in Cicero's language and that of an ordinary writer, as between seeing an object by the light of a taper and the light of the sun."

It is surely then a very strange conceit of the celebrated Malebranche, who seems to think the pleasure which arises from perusing a well-written piece is of the criminal kind, and has its source in the weakness and effeminacy of the human heart. A man must have a very uncommon severity of temper indeed who can find anything to condemn in adding charms to truth, and gaining the heart by captivating the ear; in uniting roses with the thorns of science, and joining pleasure with instruction.

The truth is, the mind is delighted with a fine style upon the same principle that it prefers regularity to confusion, and beauty to deformity. A taste of this sort is indeed so far from being a mark of any depravity of our nature, that I should rather consider it as evidence, in some degree, of the moral rectitude of its constitution, as it is a proof of its retaining some relish at least of harmony and order.

One might be apt indeed to suspect that certain writers amongst us had considered all beauties of this sort in the same gloomy view with Malebranche: or, at least, that they avoided every refinement in style as unworthy a lover of truth and philosophy. Their sentiments are sunk by the lowest expressions, and seem condemned to the first curse of creeping upon the ground all the days of their life. Others, on the con

trary, mistake pomp for dignity; and, in order to raise their expressions above vulgar language, lift them up beyond common apprehensions, esteeming it (one should imagine) a mark of their genius that it requires some ingenuity to penetrate their meaning.

But how few writers, like Euphronius, know how to hit that true medium which lies between those distant extremes! How seldom do we meet with an author whose expressions, like those of my friend, are glowing but not glaring, whose metaphors are natural but not common, whose periods are harmonious but not poetical: in a word, whose sentiments are well set, and shown to the understanding in their truest and most advantageous lustre. Fitzosborne's Letters.

ON THE LOVE OF FAME.

I can by no means agree with you in thinking that the love of fame is a passion which either reason or religion condemns. I confess, indeed, there are some who have represented it as inconsistent with both; and I remember, in particular, the excellent author of The Religion of Nature Delineated has treated it as highly irrational and absurd. As the passage falls in so thoroughly with your own turn of thought, you will have no objection, I imagine, to my quoting it at large, and I give it you, at the same time, as a very great authority on your side. "In reality," says that writer, "the man is not known ever the more to posterity because his name is transmitted to them: he doth not live because his name does. When it is said Julius Cæsar subdued Gaul, conquered Pompey, &c., it is the same thing as to say, The conqueror of Pompey was Julius Cæsar, i.e., Cæsar and the conqueror of Pompey is the same thing; Cæsar is as much known by one designation as by the other. The amount then is only this: that the conqueror of Pompey conquered Pompey; or, rather, since Pompey is as little known now as Cæsar, somebody conquered somebody. Such a poor business is this boasted immortality! and such is the thing called glory among us! To discerning men this fame is mere air; and what they despise, if not shun."

But surely Twere to consider too curously," as Horatio says to Hamlet, "to consider thus." For though fame with posterity should be, in the strict analysis of it, no other than that what is here described, a mere uninteresting proposition amounting to nothing more than that somebody acted meritoriously, yet it would not necessarily follow that true philosophy would banish the desire of it from the human breast. For this

DAVID HUME.

passion may be (as most certainly it is) wisely implanted in our species, notwithstanding the corresponding object should in reality be very different from what it appears in imagination. Do not many of our most refined and even contemplative pleasures owe their existence to our mistakes? It is but extending (I will not say improving) some of our senses to a higher degree of acuteness than we now possess them, to make the fairest views of nature, or the noblest productions of art, appear horrid and deformed. To see things as they truly and in themselves are, would not always, perhaps, be of advantage to us in the intelfectual world, any more than in the natural. But, after all, who shall certainly assure us that the pleasure of virtuous fame dies with its possessor, and reaches not to a farther scene of existence? There is nothing, it should seem, either absurd or unphilosophical in supposing it possible, at least, that the praises of the good and the judicious, that sweetest music to an honest ear in this world, may be echoed back to the mansions of the next: that the poet's description of fame may be literally true, and though she walks upon earth, she may yet lift her head

into heaven.

But can it be reasonable to extinguish a passion which nature has universally lighted up in the human breast, and which we constantly find to burn with most strength and brightness in the noblest and best formed bosoms? Accordingly, revelation is so far from endeavouring (as you suppose) to eradicate the seed which nature has thus deeply planted, that she rather seems, on the contrary, to cherish and forward its growth. To be exalted with honour, and to be had in everlasting remembrance, are in the number of those encouragements which the Jewish dispensation offered to the virtuous; as the person from whom the sacred author of the Christian system received his birth, is herself represented as rejoicing that all generations should call her blessed.

To be convinced of the great advantage of cherishing this high regard to posterity, this noble desire of an after-life in the breath of others, one need only look back upon the history of the ancient Greeks and Romans. What other principle was it which produced that exalted strain of virtue in those days, that may well serve as a model to these; Was it not the consentiens laus bonorum, the incorrupta vox bene judicantum (as Tully calls it), the concurrent approbation of the good, the uncorrupted applause of the wise, that animated their most generous pursuits? To confess the truth, I have been ever inclined to think it a very dangerous attempt to endeavour to attempt to lessen the motives of

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right conduct, or to raise any suspicion concerning their solidity. The temper and dispositions of mankind are so extremely different that it seems necessary they should be called into action by a variety of incitements. Thus, while some are willing to wed virtue for her personal charms, others are engaged to take her for the sake of her expected dowry, and since her followers and admirers have so little hopes from her in present, it were pity, methinks, to reason them out of any imagined advantage in reversion. Fitzosborne's Letters.

DAVID HUME,

born in Edinburgh, 1711, after unsatisfactory experiences of the study of law and commerce, came to London in 1737, and published his Treatise of Human Nature, Lond., 1739, 3 vols. 8vo; Essays, Moral and Political, and Dialogues concerning Natural Religion, 1741-42-51-52-57, 5 vols. 12mo; Essays and Treatises, 3d edit., 1756, 4 vols. 12mo; other Essays (see his Philosophical Works, now first collected, Edin., 1826, 4 vols. 8vo, with Additions, Boston, Mass., land, Lond., 1754-62, 6 vols. 4to; many edi1854, 4 vols. 8vo); and his History of Engtions. See his Life and Writings by T. E. Ritchie, Lond., 1807, 8vo; Life and Correspondence, edited by J. H. Burton, Edin., 1847, 2 vols. 8vo; Letters of Eminent Persons to David Hume, Edin., 1849, 8vo.

Hume published at London the Treatise of Human

"It was in his twenty-seventh year that Mr.

ciples of knowledge and belief, and the most forNature, the first systematic attack on all the prinmidable, if universal scepticism could ever be more than a mere exercise of ingenuity. . . . The great speculator did not in this work amuse himself, like Bayle, with dialectical exercises, which only inspire a disposition towards doubt, by showing in detail the uncertainty of most opinions. He aimed at proving, not that nothing was known, but that nothing could be known,-from the structure of the understanding to demonstrate that we are doomed forever to dwell in absolute and universal ignorance."-SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH: Dissert. on the Progress of Ethical Philos., prefixed to Encyc. Brit., also in his Miscell. Works.

"[Hume's] Essays on Commerce, Interest, Balance of Trade, Money, Jealousy of Trade, and Public Credit, display the same felicity of style and illustration that distinguish the other works of their celebrated author."-J. R. McCULLOCH: Lit. of Polit. Econ., Lond., 1845, 8vo.

As an historian Hume's carelessness and inaccuracy are notorious:

grounded enough for those writers and investiga"Hume was not, indeed, learned and welltors of history who judged his works from the usual point of view, because he was not only negligent in the use of the sources of history, but also

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