ted to the proceedings of the house as unconstitutional; for which reason he could not give them any countenance. [March 1.] They prepared articles of high crimes and misdemeanors against the chief justice, to present to his excellency and the council, in which they said, "The salary, and hopes of augmentation must have the effect of a continual bribe, and expose him to a violation of his oath. His accepting hath betrayed the baseness of his heart and the lust covetousness, in breach of his engagements to rely solely on the grants of the assembly, necessarily implied and involved in his accepting said office. By receiving a grant out of the revenue unjustly extorted from the American colonies, he hath as far as lay in his power, put a sanction on, and established the said revenue, counteracted the reasonable petitions of the people to his majesty, and in defiance of the known sense of the body of this people, hath wickedly endeavoured to increase the discontent and jealousies of this people and the grievance aforementioned."

[March 9.] It was resolved, "That the house have done all that in the capacity of representatives can be done for the removal of Peter Oliver; and it must be presumed, that the governor's refusing to take any measure therein, is because he also receives his support from the crown."

It is not to be thought, that the leading gentlemen in these proceedings expected to obtain the removal of the chief justice; but by the help of them, they rendered him and the governor more and more obnoxious to the body of the people; added to the dignity and importance of the house in the eyes of the representatives, by placing them upon an apparent level with the house of commons in Britain; and preservd the general animosity against ministerial measures from falling into a decline.

The real, genuine sentiments of the professed patriots may be desired; let me therefore mention, that these are divided in wish and opinion. The great body of them through the several colonies, and even in this, aim at no more than the removal of all the innovations since the expiration of the war. They want to have matters revert back to the state in which they were when the peace commenced, and to be fixed in that state. They wish most ardently to continue in union, with Great-Britain; and abhor the thought of a separation. They judge that it would be neither safe not beneficial; that it is infinitely more eligible to have the protection of the mother country, and to remain under her shadow; and that no greater happiness can be enjoyed by them, than a thorough restoration of harmony and affection between them and the parent state, so as to obliterate the remembrance of all past animosity. But there are a few in this colony who hanker

after

after independency, and will be likely to bend their whole influ ence for the obtaining of it, whenever there is the least opening to encourage their efforts. At the head of these we must place Mr. Samuel Adams who has long since said in small confidential companies" The country shall be independent, and we will be satisfied with nothing short of it." At one time his influence was small, owing to defects in pecuniary matters, especially as collector of the taxes for Boston, in which office he served for years. He was accountable to the town for between one and two thousand pounds; but a great part of it had never been gathered. What with not pressing the payment of the taxes in time, as is too generally the case; not calling when the money happened to be ready and other casualties, no inconsiderable sum was lost. His necessities probably (for he appears to be addicted to no extravagances) urged him to supply himself, time after time, from the cash in hand, without attending to the accumulation of the balance against him till called upon to settle. The town had several meetings upon the business; at length, by the exertion of his friends, a majority was obtained for the relinquishment of the demand upon him. Since his first election into the house in 1765, his influence had been gradually increasing, until he has obtained a great ascendency in directing the town of Boston, and the house of representatives, and conseqently the council. His abilities and policy will foster the idea of independency, by the aids of those very severities the ministry may adopt, in order to compel the colonies into a submission to parliamentary authority in all cases whatever.

LETTER VIII.

Londen, July 2, 1774.

HE letters sent over to the Massachusetts by Dr. Franklin,

brother to the late secretary to the treasury, and John Temple, esq. in which the former was dangerously wounded. This has led the doctor to inform the public, that both the gentlemen are totally ignorant and innocent as to the transaction and its circum

stances

stances about which they fought. He declares that he alone was the person who obtained and transmitted to Boston the letters in question and says " Mr. W. could not communicate them, because they were never in his possession; and for the same reason they could not be taken from him by Mr. T." The doctor justifies his own conduct, and concludes with telling the world, he "thought it his duty to transmit them to his constituents." But if they were sent over to be communicated to a few confidential gentlemen only, instead of being addressed to the speaker of the assembly, or one of the committee appointed to correspond with him, with orders to lay them before the house, how were they transmitted to his constituents? There is something mysterious in this business, which it is apprehended will not bear a discovery at present. It is suspected that the letters were procured out of some public office; and that Mr. Temple is not so perfectly ignorant of all circumstances as the doctor's language seems to express.

[Jan. 29, 1774.] The merits of the petition, presented some time ago by the doctor as agent for the Massachusetts, praying for the removal of the governor, came on to be heard before the privy council. It is reported, that Mr. W, wandering from the question before their lordships, poured forth such a torrent of virulent abuse on Dr. Franklin as scarce ever before took place in judicial proceedings. His reproaches appeared to some present to be incompatible with the principles of law, truth, justice, propriety and humanity. And it was thought it would have redounded more to the honor of their lordships, had they seemed to enjoy less the lashes which the doctor underwent; and had they expressed their dissatisfaction by reducing the orator to the remembrance of the exalted characters before whom he uttered such language. The petition was dismissed, and the doctor is displaced from the office of deputy post-master general for the colonies. The philosopher may recollect in some future day the liberties taken with him before the privy-council on the twentyninth of January, and take ample revenge on British ministers and courtiers.

peo

[March 7.] A message from his majesty, on account of the late disturbances in America, was presented to both houses. Particular mention was made of the outrage committed by the ple at Boston. Matters are now brought to a crisis, and minis try are bent upon vigorous, sperited measures. To prevent opposition from the merchants, the public papers were filled with writings on the subject, which painted the misconduct of the colonies in the strongest colours, and urged in particular the impossibility of the future existence of any trade to America, if this

Aagrant

flagrant outrage on commerce, as it is pronounced, went unpunished. These, with other endeavors, had the proposed effect. The resentment against the Americans became as high and as strong as could be desired, within the house; but the storm was to be directed against the Massachusetts. The minister, in debate, stated that the opposition to the authority of parliament had always originated in that colony; and that that colony had always been instigated to such conduct, by the irregular and seditious proceedings of Boston. It was become necessary therefore to begin with that town. He had forgot, or would not mention, that the violent opposition to the stamp act originated in Virginia.

The

[Mar. 14.] Leave was given to bring in a bill "for the im mediate removal of the officers concerned in the collection of the customs from Boston, and to discontinue the landing and diseharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares and merchandises at Boston, or within the harbor thereof." At the first introduction of the bill it was received with general applause. Mr. Bollan, however petitioned to be heard for the Massachusetts council, and in behalf of himself and other inhabitants of Boston. commons refused to admit his petition, though a few days back they had received one from him as agent for the council. The lords were actually hearing him on a petition, as a person duly qualified. On the third reading of the bill another petition was presented in the name of several natives and inhabitants of North America; which insisted strongly on the injustice of the act, and its tendency to alienate the affections of America; and expressly declared, that the attachment of America could not long survive the justice of Great-Britain. The minority members maintained that the bill stood simply as a proscription of one of the greatest trading towns in the British dominions from the use of their port, and from all the commerce by which thousands obtained their bread. "Have we not (say they) given an extent of power to his majesty to prevent the port of Boston from ever being reinstated, if the king should think proper? A fine is laid; the trade is prohibited until it is paid; and when the fine is paid, the town may be as far from recovering her trade as ever. The act provides, that the crown must have satisfaction, and that the laws of trade and revenue should be obeyed. There is a sting in this. The act, under pretence of an indemnity to the East-India Company, is meant to enforce the submission to taxes. America will see this; and the cause of Boston will be made the cause of all the colonies. They are all as guilty as Boston. Not one has receiv ed the tea; some have destroyed it, others sent it back." But all opposition was ineffectual; for the projected measures of go

vernment

vernment were immutable. The bill passed; and was carried up to the house of lords, where it was warmly debated, but, as in the house of commons, passed without a division.

[March 31.] It received the royal assent.

The Boston port bill formed only one part of the coercive plan proposed by ministry. A bill was soon brought in for "the better regulating the government of the Massachusetts Bay." The purport of it was, to alter the constitution of the province, to take the whole executing power out of the hands of the democratic part, and to vest the nomination of counsellors, judges, and magistrates of all kinds, including sheriffs, in the crown, and in some cases in the king's governor, and all to be removeable at the pleasure of the crown.

In the debates it was asked of ministry, whether the colonies already regulated nearly in the manner proposed by the bill, were more submissive to the right of taxation than the Massachusetts. It was justly argued, the disorder lay much deeper than the forms of government; that the people throughout the continent were universally dissatisfied; and that the uneasiness and resistance was no less in the royal governments than in any other. Mr. Bollan again made an effort in favor of his province; but the commons refused to receive his petition. The ministry having carried the preceding bill, prepared another, without which, it was said, the scheme would be entirely defective.

[April 21.] Lord North presented the third bill "for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the Massachusetts Bay." This bill provided, that in case any person was indicted in that province for murder, or any other capital offence, and it should appear to the governor that the fact was committed in the exercise or aid of magistracy, in suppressing tumults and riots, and that a fair trial could not be had in the province, he should send the person so indicted, &c. to any other colony, or to Great-Britain to be tried. The charge on both sides was to be paid out of the customs. The minority opposed this bill with great vehemence. They insisted that having no sort of reason for impeaching the tribunals of America, the real intention was to set up a military government, and provide a virtual indemnity for all the murders and capital outrages which might be committed by the barbarous hands of authority. From the impossibility of prosecuting in GreatBritain, they strenuously maintained that this was holding out encouragement for all kinds of lawless violence. Colonel Barre's speech upon the occasion, commanded the attention of the whole house, and closed admirably, with "You have changed

your