that sound attachment to the Protestant faith, that upright love of truth, that firm affection for the venerable and time-honoured institutions of their native land, which, blessed be God, have ever continued to exist amongst all classes of our countrymen, even through all the heart-burnings, the confusions, the disorders, the seditious meetings, the treasonable harangues, which have distinguished this unhappy country since the commencement of the year 1831. We shall see the clergy of the Church of England held up as marks for the most undeserved and unprovoked obloquy and reproach; and, in many cases, exposed to actual personal danger, for merely venturing to exercise that right, for which their opponents professed to be the most strenuous advocates, the privilege, namely, of expressing their own opinion, and giving their suffrages as their consciences dictated.

Let us now consider the pecuniary aid afforded by the State to the Church. In what does this consist? Solely and entirely in the legal enforcement of a contribution under the name of tithe. This, notwithstanding all the talk about national benevolence, national liberality, and benefits conferred by the State, is the assistance rendered by the nation to the church of England. Here some dissenter, in the depth of his wisdom and plenitude of his information, will perhaps exclaim, "What! this all that is given by the nation to the Church! when your clergy possess the tithes of the kingdom?" Unfortunately for the credit of his veracity and knowledge, it so happens that these tithes (a considerable portion of which, moreover, does not belong to the clergy, but is held by lay proprietors, many of whom also are dissenters,) never belonged to the State, and were never given by it to the clergy; they were the property of private individuals, and were given by them, and by them alone, to the Church. At a very early period in the history of Christianity in this country, certain pious persons, wishing to spread the knowledge of religion amongst their countrymen, erected at their own expense churches for the celebration of divine worship; and, in order to insure a continuance of this religious service, set apart the tenth part of the produce of those estates belonging to them, which happened to be contiguous to these edifices, for the support of a clergyman and his successors in perpetuity. Such alone was the origin of church property in this country; and therefore, instead of being, as the dissenter falsely asserts, state property, it is the private property of the Church, and as strictly so, to all intents and purposes whatsoever, as any landed estate in the kingdom is the property of its owner. It follows of course, that the assertion made by the dissenters respecting the right of the nation to alienate church property, and to appropriate it to other purposes, falls to the ground at once, as it is evident that the nation can have no right to take that which never belonged to it.

And does the State receive no recompense from the Church in return for this protection which it affords? Is it nothing to have a pious, well-educated, well-informed individual, placed in every parish in the kingdom, devoted and set apart by his profession for the express purpose of promoting the worship of God; able, from his rank, and the moderate income which he possesses, to strengthen his moral and religious lessons by the weight and influence attached to station and fortune, and invariably using these advantages in enforcing obedience to the laws, and loyalty to the sovereign? Is it nothing to have a people instructed in morality and religion, trained up in the observance of orderly and quiet habits, and taught to bear the evils incident to this mortal scene, with patience, contentment, and resignation? Is it nothing to possess, in every district and division of the empire, responsible individuals, to whom recourse may be had for statistical and other details; who may be able to communicate genuine information relative to the character and actual existence of persons connected with the public service; and to whom, as filling in some degree a public official character, application is so frequently made for many other particulars, of which it is necessary that the government and other bodies should be cognizant? It is an actual fact, that no application can be made to an insurance office for remuneration of losses incurred by fire, unless it be certified by the clergyman of the parish. If a member of a friendly society is attacked by illness, he cannot obtain relief from it without bringing a certificate of the truth of his statement, signed by the clergyman. In short, every one, no matter of what class, of what party or sect, thinks himself permitted, and even privileged, to apply to the clergyman for assistance and relief, and would consider himself entitled to remonstrate and complain, should his application not be attended to. Is it nothing for the poor, the distressed, and the destitute,— those who frequently possess no other friend,-to have, in every parish of the land, pious, benevolent, and charitable individuals, ready and willing to listen to the tale of misery and sorrow, to cheer and soothe the bed of sickness, to relieve the wants of the needy suppliant, and minister to his necessities; to raise the drooping family, verging on destitution, from the earth; to teach it once more to hope, and to place it in a state of comparative comfort by their timely aid? Is it nothing to be ever ready at the call of every charitable and benevolent purpose, whether it be of a private or public nature, and whether it be for the relief of the churchman or the dissenter, to contribute to those objects to the very utmost of their ability, not only from their professional, but also from their private income as well? Is it nothing to devote their time as well as their money with the same boundless generosity, to the same benevolent purposes; to be always ready to advocate the cause of the different religious and charitable institutions of

the country, with the most persevering assiduity, and the most unrelaxing zeal, by discourses from the pulpit, by recommendatory statements from the press, by explanatory speeches at public meetings, by exhortations in private, and personal solicitations? Now all these various and discordant duties, involving frequently great personal trouble and labour, as well as expense, are performed gratuitously, without any hope of fee or reward! What other individuals, we should like to know, are there who would do the same without remuneration? Would the professional man give up his time? Would the tradesman take himself away from his business? Would even the private individual, unfettered by any occupation, sacrifice his amusement or his leisure for the same objects, without hope of reward? Far from it. He would expect to be recompensed; and if this should not be done, he would meet the application for his assistance with an instant refusal.

Those persons, then, who are now endeavouring to sever the connexion between the Church and State, should remember that by so doing they would release the Church and her ministers from all dependence upon and obligation to the nation. The clergy would immediately feel themselves exempted from any necessity of performing those occasional duties above enumerated, and asked from them in the character of public functionaries. It is possible they might still continue, in some instances, to render these services; but it would be as a mere act of grace and favour on their part; and however far their kindness, benevolence, or courtesy, might extend, we must yet remember that there is a point of endurance beyond which even these qualities will give way; there are provocations which are capable of putting a limit to the most charitable and benevolent feelings. The clergyman, however much he may be chastened and subdued by the influence of religion, is a human being; and if he is to be insulted by the press, vilified at public meetings, opposed and thwarted in his parish; if he is to have his motives and actions misrepresented, and his deeds of benevolence received with thanklessness; we can expect but one result, namely, that he will no longer be so ready or so willing to spend his time and money on undeserving and ungrateful objects, but will confine his exertions strictly to those of his own communion.

What, then, is our duty as churchmen, in the crisis which is now impending over our venerated edifice of christian truth? First of all, we must correct those great and dangerous errors to which, we fear, so many churchmen have hitherto been prone. These errors are a false liberality, a heartless expediency, and a vain and foolish spirit of concession. It is this false liberality which leads so many persons, calling themselves members of the church of England, to compromise not only the principles of their own Church, but even the great truths of revelation.

These persons will associate in unrestrained intercourse with the dissenter, the avowed and open enemy of the Church to which they belong. They will not scruple even to assist him in his plans of improvement, although these should endanger the safety of their own communion; and when called upon to promote any object connected with the Church, or to unite in her defence, will not indeed actually refuse, but will plead a desire to avoid any appearance of bigotry, a fear of offending the conscientious scruples of those who differ in belief, or some other equally specious excuse. They will listen to the cold sneer, the withering sarcasm, the flippant and careless levity upon the most sacred subjects; and, instead of checking them by open reproof, or at least by a silent and grave demeanour, will frequently be weak enough to join in the laugh, which in their inward heart they despise. And all this for fear of being called illiberal!

It is this heartless expediency which too often induces even the churchman to measure events and things by the false and artificial standard; namely, whether they are proper under existing circumstances, whether they may be favourably viewed by this or that party, or whether they may be obnoxious to any particular interest; instead of considering, as he is bound to do, if he believes the word of God, whether they are conformable to the dictates of revelation, or whether they may violate the commandments of his Creator. The true Christian will proceed in a far different manner. He will lay down a certain course of action for himself, to be regulated by truth alone; he will not suffer himself to be guided and impelled by circumstances, but will rather endeavour to direct and control them; he will regard no other party than that of the just and good; he will promote no other interests than those which are friendly to religion. And what is this spirit of concession which prevails so generally at the present day? It arises either from ignorance, inability to measure the consequences of events, or from culpable weakness and irresolution of purpose. In either case the results are equally pernicious. What has it done for those who have put it in practice, is a question which may well be asked? What did concession for the unhappy Charles I.? It caused him to sacrifice his best friend,-one of the few who could have saved him,-to the malice of his enemies; and, at last, when every thing had been conceded to the insatiate demands of his rebellious subjects, it brought him to the scaffold. What did concession for the unfortunate Louis XVI.? He yielded more than ever monarch had granted before; and, as the reward of his easiness of temper, and want of firmness and resolution, was murdered by a blood-thirsty and ungrateful people. And what has it done for us? We have conceded the repeal of the Test Acts-a boon which was long craved by the dissenters. Has it made them more contented, more satisfied, more moderate in their demands? On the contrary, they are

more discontented, more clamorous and violent than at any preceding period. We have conceded Roman Catholic emancipation, a measure which, according to the language of its promoters, was to produce the most extraordinary effects,-to make Ireland tranquil and peaceful, to introduce harmony and concord among all classes, to strengthen the connexion between that country and this, and to convert Irishmen into better subjects and better men. Instead of producing these results, it has apparently only served to place new weapons in the hands of the enemies of order, and of our holy religion, which they have used with dreadful effect; and has turned Ireland into a country in which, if we are to believe the almost daily reports, the laws are openly set at defiance, sedition pursues its schemes, the Protestant religion is made an object of persecution, and riot and bloodshed are spread through the land.

Away, then, with the flimsy pretences of liberality, expediency, and concession,-terms invented by the enemy to entrap the unwary, and to draw them into his toils. The time for such weaknesses has past. If we wish to preserve pure and unimpaired the Church of our forefathers, to build up which so many pious and holy men have poured forth their blood on the scaffold, and have left their ashes at the stake; if we wish to maintain that constitution which was once the glory of England, and the admiration of distant countries; if we desire to transmit to our children our hereditary monarchy, our hereditary peerage, and the rights and privileges of the Commons of the land; we must cease to slumber at our posts, we must shake off the bonds of indolence and indifference, and must stand forth, one and all, determined to defend, to the utmost of our power, what is yet left of the venerable and time-honoured institutions of our land.

Would that our words could pass through the land, with the thrilling tone of the trumpet's blast, and rouse up every sincere churchman, every honest-hearted Englishman, would that it could cause him to throw off once and for ever, that cold neutrality, that weak fear of giving offence, which have exposed our Church and our constitution to the attacks of their insidious foes. Would that it might have power to penetrate even to the fireside, to the quiet home of every friend of his God, his Church, and his king! Upon all such we call. We summon them to come forth,- to stand separate and apart,-to join heart and hand in that most holy of causes, which comprises within its compass every temporal and spiritual tie,-whatever is most valued on earth, whatever is most hoped for in heaven. We must speak out. We must declare our sentiments boldly, firmly, and manfully. We must tell our adversaries the truth, and that in plain and direct words, regardless alike of the fears of the timid, the coldness of the indifferent, or the groundless scruples of the prejudiced and evil-disposed. We must no longer be contented