the country, with the most persevering assiduity, and the most unrelaxing zeal, by discourses from the pulpit, by recommendatory statements from the press, by explanatory speeches at public meetings, by exhortations in private, and personal solicitations? Now all these various and discordant duties, involving frequently great personal trouble and labour, as well as expense, are performed gratuitously, without any hope of fee or reward! What other individuals, we should like to know, are there who would do the same without remuneration? Would the professional man give up his time? Would the tradesman take himself away from his business? Would even the private individual, unfettered by any occupation, sacrifice his amusement or his leisure for the same objects, without hope of reward? Far from it. He would expect to be recompensed; and if this should not be done, he would meet the application for his assistance with an instant refusal.

Those persons, then, who are now endeavouring to sever the connexion between the Church and State, should remember that by so doing they would release the Church and her ministers from all dependence upon and obligation to the nation. The clergy would immediately feel themselves exempted from any necessity of performing those occasional duties above enumerated, and asked from them in the character of public functionaries. It is possible they might still continue, in some instances, to render these services; but it would be as a mere act of grace and favour on their part; and however far their kindness, benevolence, or courtesy, might extend, we must yet remember that there is a point of endurance beyond which even these qualities will give way; there are provocations which are capable of putting a limit to the most charitable and benevolent feelings. The clergyman, however much he may be chastened and subdued by the influence of religion, is a human being; and if he is to be insulted by the press, vilified at public meetings, opposed and thwarted in his parish; if he is to have his motives and actions misrepresented, and his deeds of benevolence received with thanklessness; we can expect but one result, namely, that he will no longer be so ready or so willing to spend his time and money on undeserving and ungrateful objects, but will confine his exertions strictly to those of his own communion.

What, then, is our duty as churchmen, in the crisis which is now impending over our venerated edifice of christian truth? First of all, we must correct those great and dangerous errors to which, we fear, so many churchmen have hitherto been prone. These errors are a false liberality, a heartless expediency, and a vain and foolish spirit of concession. It is this false liberality which leads so many persons, calling themselves members of the church of England, to compromise not only the principles of their own Church, but even the great truths of revelation. These persons will associate in unrestrained intercourse with the dissenter, the avowed and open enemy of the Church to which they belong. They will not scruple even to assist him in his plans of improvement, although these should endanger the safety of their own communion; and when called upon to promote any object connected with the Church, or to unite in her defence, will not indeed actually refuse, but will plead a desire to avoid any appearance of bigotry, a fear of offending the conscientious scruples of those who differ in belief, or some other equally specious excuse. They will listen to the cold sneer, the withering sarcasm, the flippant and careless levity upon the most sacred subjects; and, instead of checking them by open reproof, or at least by a silent and grave demeanour, will frequently be weak enough to join in the laugh, which in their inward heart they despise. And all this for fear of being called illiberal!

It is this heartless expediency which too often induces even the churchman to measure events and things by the false and artificial standard; namely, whether they are proper under existing circumstances, whether they may be favourably viewed by this or that party, or whether they may be obnoxious to any particular interest; instead of considering, as he is bound to do, if he believes the word of God, whether they are conformable to the dictates of revelation, or whether they may violate the commandments of his Creator. The true Christian will proceed in a far different manner. He will lay down a certain course of action for himself, to be regulated by truth alone; he will not suffer himself to be guided and impelled by circumstances, but will rather endeavour to direct and control them; he will regard no other party than that of the just and good; he will promote no other interests than those which are friendly to religion. And what is this spirit of concession which prevails so generally at the present day? It arises either from ignorance, inability to measure the consequences of events, or from culpable weakness and irresolution of purpose. In either case the results are equally pernicious. What has it done for those who have put it in practice, is a question which may well be asked ? What did concession for the unhappy Charles I.? It caused him to sacrifice his best friend, one of the few who could have saved him,-to the malice of his enemies; and, at last, when every thing had been conceded to the insatiate demands of his rebellious subjects, it brought him to the scaffold. What did concession for the unfortunate Louis XVI.? He yielded more than ever monarch had granted before; and, as the reward of his easiness of temper, and want of firmness and resolution, was murdered by a blood-thirsty and ungrateful people. And what has it done for us? We have conceded the repeal of the Test Acts--a boon which was long craved by the dissenters. Has it made them more contented, more satisfied, more moderate in their demands ? On the contrary, they are more discontented, more clamorous and violent than at any preceding period. We have conceded Roman Catholic emancipation,-a measure which, according to the language of its promoters, was to produce the most extraordinary effects,-to make Ireland tranquil and peaceful, to introduce harmony and concord among all classes, to strengthen the connexion between that country and this, and to convert Irishmen into better subjects and better men. Instead of producing these results, it has apparently only served to place new weapons in the hands of the enemies of order, and of our holy religion, which they have used with dreadful effect; and has turned Ireland into a country in which, if we are to believe the almost daily reports, the laws are openly set at defiance, sedition pursues its schemes, the Protestant religion is made an object of persecution, and riot and bloodshed are spread through the land.

Away, then, with the flimsy pretences of liberality, expediency, and concession,-terms invented by the enemy to entrap the unwary, and to draw them into his toils. The time for such weaknesses has past. If we wish to preserve pure and unimpaired the Church of our forefathers, to build up which so many pious and holy men have poured forth their blood on the scaffold, and have left their ashes at the stake; if we wish to maintain that constitution which was once the glory of England, and the admiration of distant countries; if we desire to transmit to our children our hereditary monarchy, our hereditary peerage, and the rights and privileges of the Commons of the land; we must cease to slumber at our posts, we must shake off the bonds of indolence and indifference, and must stand forth, one and all, determined to defend, to the utmost of our power, what is yet left of the venerable and time-honoured institutions of our land.

Would that our words could pass through the land, with the thrilling tone of the trumpet's blast, and rouse up every sincere churchman, every honest-hearted Englishman, --would that it could cause him to throw off once and for ever, that cold neutrality, that weak fear of giving offence, which have exposed our Church and our constitution to the attacks of their insidious foes. Would that it might have power to penetrate even to the fireside, to the quiet home of every friend of his God, his Church, and his king! Upon all such we call. We summon them to come forth, - to stand separate and apart, -to join heart and hand in that most holy of causes, which comprises within its compass every temporal and spiritual tie,—whatever is most valued on earth, whatever is most hoped for in heaven. We must speak out. We must declare our sentiments boldly, firmly, and manfully. We must tell our adversaries the truth, and that in plain and direct words, regardless alike of the fears of the timid, the coldness of the indifferent, or the groundless scruples of the prejudiced and evil-disposed. We must no longer be contented with acting on the defensive, but must take up a new position, and attack in our turn, those whose assaults we have hitherto thought it sufficient to repel. We must tell the adversaries of the Church, that their artful devices are seen through, their real motives understood, and the secret objects at which they aim, revealed to the light of day. We must tell them that when they clamour against a church-rate, their motive is not, as they allege, merely to remove a payment which offends their scruples of conscience, or sits heavily upon them in a pecuniary light, but in reality to obtain a new vantage-ground, from whence they may annoy and weaken the Church, separate her from the State, and finally succeed in effecting her destruction, and in making plunder of her revenues.

We must tell them that they wish to abridge the privileges and revenues of the Church, and to destroy the independent character which her clergy now possess, and which places them above the reach of the injurious influence to which the minister of a voluntary Church must ever be exposed, in order that the respect with which their exhortations are listened to by the people, may be diminished, and the good effects resulting from their lessons of loyalty and order, may be weakened and impaired by the loss of all that undefined yet important authority derived from the sanctions of old association, superiority of station, a highly cultivated mind, and an official character. We must tell them that they endeavour to overthrow the Church, because she enjoins peace and order to her followers; because she preaches obedience to the laws, submission and reverence to the throne,-precepts which, so long as they are observed, offer the most invincible obstacle to the lovers of change, and the disturbers of public tranquillity ; because, in a word, she forms the best safeguard of the throne, the peerage, and of every other ancient institution of the land; and that therefore, when her destruction is once brought to pass, they hope to be able to accomplish the objects of their long and ardent desire—the overthrow of the monarchy, the abolition of the peerage, the destruction of every thing which is old and venerable, and honoured and loved amongst us, and to establish a democratical form of government, in which the needy adventurer, the wild enthusiast, the visionary schemer, the bankrupt in character and fortune, shall bear sway, and indulge with impunity their plans of confiscation, plunder, and despotism.

Finally, we must not be disappointed or surprised, should the fruit of our exertions not appear so soon as we expect. The good seed is dropped into the ground, and will doubtless spring up in due season. At any rate, we shall have done our duty. We must leave the rest with the supreme Disposer of human events. He, we are bound to believe, will in his own good time vindicate from reproach his pure and apostolical Church; and, whilst she continues to administer his holy sacraments, and to

preach the truths of his inspired word, will never suffer her to be dismayed or cast down by any devices or snares of the enemy. “ The gates of hell shall not prevail against her,” are the words of the Lord of life ; and his words, we know, shall never pass away. Let us then go on, undoubting, in the straight path of duty, looking forward to better times and better days ; humbly trusting, through the promise of him who is before all things, and by whom all things consist, that our most holy Church, that faithful witness of God, and depository of his truth, shall continue to endure until time shall have passed into eternity, and the church militant here on earth shall become the church triumphant in heaven.

Art. IX.—Lectures on the Prophetical Office of the Church,

viewed relatively to Romanism and Popular Protestantism. By J. H. NEWMAN, B.D. Fellow of Oriel College, and Vicar of St. Mary the Virgin's, Oxford. London: J. G. and J. Rivington; and J. H. Parker, Oxford.

MANIFOLD are the obligations which bind the members of the Anglican Church to the University of Oxford. We might refer our readers to the period when that ancient and religious incorporation maintained, almost single-handed, through evil report and good report, the holy warfare against the rebels and schismatics who dragged their sovereign to the scaffold, whereon, as a blessed martyr, he fell by impious.and accursed hands, testifying by his death an uncompromising devotion to the catholic and apostolic Church, in whose communion he had faithfully lived, and to whose communion he had steadfastly adhered, amidst temptations and perplexities of no ordinary description or character. Or we might recall to their minds the time when the unfortunate and ill-advised son of that martyred prince attempted to impose the yoke of popery and chain of superstition upon necks and bodies accustomed to a service which was perfect freedom,-a service to that Master whose word is unerring and all-powerful truth. How critical, how fearful that moment! The religion and liberties of England all but prostrate at the feet of tyranny, her people paralysed, her king the betrayer of his trust;—Oxford fearlessly stood forth! the conflict was sharp, but short; the Church, the nation were saved. How beautiful, how touching the sequel! Foremost in a resolute maintenance of religious principle, Oxford neither could nor would shake off her allegiance to the exiled prince, and, utterly regardless of worldly or temporal advantages, encountered a chilling neglect,

but too often worse treatment, from the immediate successors of the Stuart dynasty,—treatment conformable indeed to the precepts and examples of politicians of this world, but, by the blessing of Providence, unproductive of the slightest deviation


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