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allude to the expulsion of gentlemen from parliament on the score of their religious sentiments. We stand in a truly distressing alternative, but in the election among evils, we hope better things from government, being freed from a new control, unknown to the constitution, than from disqualifying a species of men, who, by a sort of sinister piety, cherish the discords which are the parents of all their consequence.

Never, we fear, will Great Britain and Ireland fall back upon their true centre of gravity, and natural point of repose, until the ideas connected with “the Protestant administration" which came in in March 1807 be resumed, and steadily pursued. Meanwhile we would recommend, as a means of obtaining a first instalment of that debt of justice which an erring legislature owes to the Protestant people of these kingdoms, that petitions be got up all over the realm, for a REVISION of that Act which goes by the name of Repeal of the Catholic Disabilities. It is manifest that Sir Robert Peel, and hundreds of members in both houses of parliament, did not intend that measure in the sense in which the Irish Catholic members are pleased to construe it. Those securities which would have been strong as links of iron to the consciences of Protestants, are as impalpable as air to the obtuse vision of papistical casuistry. The legislature passed the Act under a delusion, carefully instilled and encouraged by the language of Roman Catholics in those days. The leopard feigned to lay aside the rabid taint of his inheritance, and presented his lithe back to be admired and fondled; but, even at the time, there were not wanting observers, who proclaimed that his spots darkened and his skin glistened in the irrepressible consciousness of his duplicity. The country was forewarned that to suppose that the oath (which we subjoin)* to be taken by every Roman Catholic ere he could exercise the functions of member of parliament, would be any security for the safety of the Establishment, were to think of muzzling the lion with a cobweb. It was remarked at the time—but the premonition was cried down and disregarded, as being unfounded

ROMAN CATHOLIC OATH. “ I do swear that I will defend, to the utmost of my power, the settlement of property within this realm as established by the laws. And I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the Church establishment as settled by law within this realm. And I do solemnly swear that I never will exercise any privileges to which I am or may be entitled, to disturb or weaken the Protestant religion or the Protestant government in the United Kingdom. And I do solemnly, and in the presence of God, profess, testify, and declare, that I make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words of this oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatsoever.”

and libellous-it was remarked, that the Roman Catholics would feel no hesitation in premeditatedly compromising their word, in the assurance of absolution; that however rash the venture, they would not scruple, if they conceived the end justified the manæuvre, in disregarding their most solemn vow. The minority in 1829 at this hour stand absolved and justified before their country. Occulta veritas tempore patet.

« Time hath awakened truth."

The solemn engagements of the Romanists are proved to be like the temptations of spiritual iniquity,

“The equivocation of the friend,

That lies like truth."
They have all the juggle of the witches in Macbeth,

That palter with us in a double sense,
That keep the word of promise to our ear,

And break it to our hope.” Such is the very essence of papistical casuistry in all ages. The careful guardianship of that constituted estate of the realm to which we have alluded elsewhere, would have afforded us some security against the jesuitical character of a religion, where the wisdom of the serpent hath ever been more conspicuous than the meekness of the dove. In default of that superintendence, it is awful to contemplate how matters are progressing. When we take a survey of what the misnamed legislature hath done, and what a majority of the House of Commons meditated, it would defy the wit of man to say at what point, save in anarchy and rebellion, the dislocation of the State, and the subversion of the Protestant establishment, these innovations are to stop. The desires of a certain party in this and a neighbouring kingdom, are evidently so like the grave, as never to be satisfied. We repeat that there is nothing left but to retrace our steps. If we would save the Establishment in Ireland from being transferred into the hands of the majority of the people in that section of the empire; if we would avert a repeal of the union, Roman Catholics must be excluded from both houses of parliament. The introduction of popery into the legislature was a national crime. From the whole experience of our Protestant history, we might have augured that evil would follow-and evil has followed ! yet if we mind not, it may prove “but the beginning of sorrows." We should at once testify our repentance by retracing the ground we have trod; and as a first step, let us AGITATE from north to south, and east to west, for a REVISION of that calamitous Act of 1829, which compromised the religion, and freedom, and the integrity of the empire.

THE ANTI-CHURCH ADMINISTRATION.

By patience and sufferance of the people of England, and the combined exertions of their aiders and abettors in this conspiracy against all that is venerable and to be venerated in the country, the Melbourne administration still continue to "prank them in authority,"- to draw their salaries, and unworthily to occupy those places, by virtue of which they think they rank higher than able and deserving men. We will not assume a sorrow that we do not feel, nor affect regret that this venomous abortion, whose windings are to be tracked by slime, continues to crawl on. We would not that it should perish untimely, but rot away, a revolting spectacle in the sight of the world. We would have it decay slowly, in the perpetration of its “soul-hardened scheming," loathsome in its own leprosy, and “ festering in the infamy of years." In our opinion, the contemplation of the detestable as well as of the illustrious actions of mankind, however unpleasant at the time, has its salutary use. It may be abhorrent to our feelings, but," like the toad, ugly and venomous, it bears a precious jewel in the head."

By allowing their negative example room and verge enough to display itself, the Melbourne administration will remain a monument to future generations, to deter wicked men, clothed with human authority, from ever after bartering away the virtues and well-being of their country, for any miserable advance of ambition, or indulgence of spleen. Let those slaves of office drink to the dregs their own bitter draught, that hereafter no man may have the shadow of a pretence to say, that if they had not been interrupted they meant to have retrieved their character. They meditate no such thing; they know that their doom is sealed, and that their tenure of office is now a mere question of time. They will cling to power to the last convulsive gasp, and in the meanwhile resolve to do all the mischief in their competence, partly out of their natural love of misrule and spoliation, but principally with the hope of rendering the difficulties of their position too arduous for any weight of talent and character to surmount; and so, perhaps, by leaving the nation without a glimmering of hope in this thick night, which they have thought fit to spread about us, prevent others from venturing to succeed them. It would be a vain endeavour to analyse the complication of motives which impels this miscreant ministry to subject every civil and ecclesiastical department, consigned to their honour and keeping, to a cool, calculating, systematic process of malversation and plunder. Never were statesmen less embarrassed by the mechanism of inoperative laws, or with the difficulty of committing to the fittest agency every appointment under the crown. If an Establishment be obnoxious to them, they lop off at a stroke just so much of it as suits their purpose; they mow down without giving quarter or scarcely assigning a reason. The Church, the navy, and the ordnance-nothing can stand before them. Then, when they come to provide for the Church, out of her own resources, Amalthæa's horn is in their hands, and they pour forth, with an inexhaustible bounty, loans and revenues, without entailing a tittle of burthen on the public! Nay, as respects the Establishment, government has hit upon some secret which Cocker might envy them. They promise to increase her funds by diminishing them! to draw the effects of addition from the operations of subtraction. A select committee is sitting to facilitate the working of their problem ; but it is not very material, when the principle is so wicked, and the policy so erroneous, whether the arithmetic be just or otherwise. Poor vain men! they are accustomed to take it for granted in all their measures, that they have ascertained a revenue whenever they can point out the possibility of an imposition; and this seems to be the extent of their financial ability. It is most absurd in every point of view. They would fain treat the Church as the rogue in the Winter's Tale served the shepherd-pillage her first, and then bribe her with her own money. But, in truth, the matter is too serious in its consequence for ridicule: indignation and scorn check every lighter emotion, on hearing the vain cozener acknowledge, that “ for the life and punishment to come he sleeps out the thought of it." An ecclesiastical impost may be cut off, the national church straitened, and ecclesiastical property seized upon as a reimbursement; and if the appropriation fail, as it must do, owing to a deficiency of funds, with such scanty provision, ministers have nothing at all to do! Though there should be a formidable gaping breach in the whole project, it can be no wish and no fault of theirs ! But with regard to their douceur to dissent, the. matter is very different—that is all their own; there they take all credit, and protest to the three denominations, that they have gleaned the field of Church economy very closely, for the sake of their dear friends without the Establishment; solely for their sakes! solely for their sakes! But this is a flimsy pretence which deceives nobody. They have squandered their credit, and the nation's happiness thoughtlessly, with little regard for any party or any object but their own present, immediate, tangible advantage. They are conscious of the alarm they have created, and how their continuance in office is opposed to the sense of every man who understands or wishes well to the English constitution; but they think only of the emolument of place, and the violence of their proceedings indicates how every day they look for their dismissal. In one sense they make no sign, but, nevertheless, their mad pranks of despair give token of approaching dissolution. The recklessness of their conduct'is exactly analogous to that of broken tenants, who, although they may not have received warning, know well enough that they

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must shortly quit the premises; so on principle they let all things go to rack and ruin. They overcrop the land, destroy the fences, fell the old oak timber, and, in short, anticipate their dispossession by the ruin of the estate.

Nevertheless, will our countrymen, after forcing such bankrupts in all laudable qualifications upon the councils of our late beloved and royal master, wait patiently for the period of their discharge ? If they do, we tell them that they adjourn the rescue of the realm to a long day. If, by forbearing to signify their pleasure with an emphasis that will be heard and must be heeded, they leave it to ministers to eject themselves, they adjourn it even to Doomsday !

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To the distinguished prelate who now so efficiently presides over the united sees of Gloucester and Bristol, this important institution is indebted, not only for its first establishment, but in a very great degree for all its subsequent progress and successo We have before us the printed Charge delivered by Bishop Monk at his triennial visitation in the year 1835, in which we find the following passage:

“ The supineness of our ancestors in neglecting for nearly a hundred years to erect churches in places of a growing population, has entailed upon us a duty much heavier than ought fairly to have been imposed upon a single generation. But without a great and continuous effort both to repair the omission of former periods, and to keep pace with the increasing population of the present, all other endeavours to make the church of England answer the spiritual wants of the community will prove ineffectual. I have hitherto consecrated only four new churches and chapels, but the erection of others is in actual progress, and still more are in contemplation. In the mean time many churches have been enlarged for the increased accommodation of the poorer classes. In every case great assistance has been afforded by the Incorporated Society for Promoting the Building and Enlarging of Churches and Chapels, whose grants

have generally been liberal beyond our anticipation. But in this diocese there exists an obstacle to the erection and endowment of places of worship, where the want of them is most felt, resulting from the local circumstances of the hamlets in which a considerable portion of the population resides. Owing to the growth of manufactories or other causes, numberless small townships have sprung up in parts of a parish very remote from the church, inhabited exclusively by persons whose only property consists in the labour of their hands, and who are able to contribute nothing towards providing themselves a chapel or a minister. It often happens that the time of the incumbent is too closely occupied by the care of the parishioners, among whom he lives, to bestow much attention upon those distant and detached portions of his flock.

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