LECTURE XIII.

On the Formation and Consolidation of the Christian Government in Modern Times-On the Principle which led to the Establishment of the Old German Empire.

THE first three centuries of the Christian era, and of modern history, compose the epoch when, by a second fiat of creation, the light of Christianity spread through the whole Roman world, and when after undergoing long persecutions, the religion of Christ, under Constantine, came victorious out of the struggle. The second epoch, or the succeeding five centuries comprehend that chaotic and intermediate state in the history of mankind, or the transition from declining antiquity to modern times, growing out of the ruins of the ancient worldthe fermenting mixture of many and various elements of social life. But when at last the tempest had disburdened itself of its fury, the clouds had broken asunder, and the pure firmament of Christian faith had stretched out its ample vault to shelter the rise of new communities; when the wild waters of that mighty inundation of nations had begun gradually to flow off; then the Germanic tribes, incorporated with the Romanie nations, laid the deep, firm soil on which modern European society was to spring up and flourish. For it was Charlemagne who laid the sure foundation for Christian government, and all the improvements of its subsequent superstructure. On this basis of Christian government, and Christian manners, and under the cover and vivifying influence of the luminous firma ment of Christian faith, sprang human science out of the small fragments of ancient art and learning, which had survived all these mighty devastations; till at last it expanded into a fuller bloom, and grew into a more heavenly and Christian form. This new progress of social man under the Christian form of government, and this progress of the human mind in Christian science, mark the third epoch of modern history, or the seven centuries which elapsed from the reign of Charlemagne, to the discovery of the New World, and the commencement of the Re

formation. It may naturally be supposed that these seven centuries which witnessed the progressive civilisation of modern nations, and the vigorous growth and wide spread of Christian principles, were at the same time a period of struggle both in the state and in science, and that in each of these departments, the spirit of Christianity was intermixed with, and most injuriously and fatally thwarted and opposed by, many un-Christian elements. And indeed, to discover and discriminate between these conflicting elements, to comprehend and determine their mutual bearings one towards the other, is the fit problem for historical philosophy. The progress of the Christian state and the advancement of Christian science, form during this period the main subject of an universal history, when this is not a mere collection of special or national histories, but truly universal, in the philosophic sense of the term; treating solely of those subjects common to all mankind, or which illustrate the general march of humanity. Hence all other historical views, dictated by a predilection for one's own country-inquiries into the political institutions of one, or several, or all existing states -a review of the circle of mercantile operations, and their dual extension, and of the progress of the mechanical arts—and lastly, curious and erudite dissertations on literature, philology, and the fine arts (however interesting, instructive, and in many respects useful, such special dissertations may be in themselves) -all these must be either entirely excluded from general history, or must at least occupy a place very subordinate to, and are deserving of notice only as far as they illustrate, what must ever constitute, the main subject of the Philosophy of History. In the first ages of the world, it is often difficult to obtain satisfactory information, and a competent degree of certainty on the subjects which are alone, or at least chiefly, worthy of attention. But in modern times, it is a far more arduous task to select out of the immense multitude and variety of facts susceptible of historical proof, those which are of a general interest to mankind, and amid the crowd of details steadily to preserve the general outline of history.

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It would be a great error to refer to the Christian constitution of the state and of science, every remarkable or important incident in the history of government and of science, merely because such incidents have occurred in the middle age, or among Christian nations of later times. We must strive to

form a loftier idea of the Christian model both in science and in government, so that the highest and noblest monuments in either, should, from human infirmity, be considered but faint approximations, I do not say, to the unattainable standard of an imaginary perfection, but to the sober reality of Christian truth. Although it is not possible rigidly to separate public life from public opinions, on account of the intimate union between both, and the mutual influence which government and science exercise over one another; yet as the state is the groundwork for the cultivation of science, and the former must precede the latter, I shall follow this historical order, and commence with the constitution of the Christian state.

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As here the question is not as to the Beau Ideal of perfection, or as to a precise, rigid, and scientific theory of the Christian state (for which here, at least, if not for the present age, the time may not have arrived), but merely as to a general outline of such a theory, I shall only observe, that the Christian state must rest on the basis of religious feelings. For, without feeling, its relation to religion cannot be conceived-and such a mere relation, considered in itself, would lose its religious character. But the government which is founded on Christianity, is on that account limited, and is consequently in its very nature abhorrent either from absolute despotism, or the uncontrolled tyranny of popular factions. In the next place, the government founded on religion, is one in which sentiment, personal spirit, and personal character are the primary and ruling elements, and not the dead letter, and the written formula of a mere artificial constitution. In this last respect one may say, that the Christian government inclines very strongly towards monarchy; for, in monarchy, it is the sacred person of the king, the character of the ruler, the spirit of his administration, confidence in his person, and attachment to the hereditary dynasty, which form the basis, the animating spirit, and vivifying principle of the social system. In a republic it is not the person, but the law which governs; nay, the written word of the law is there of the utmost importance; and thus the dead letter of the constitution is in a republic almost as sacred, as in a monarchy the person called and consecrated to the functions of government by divine right. But more than this we should not say-namely, that the Christian government, founded as it is on personality and on

sentiment, inclines, on the whole, strongly towards the monarchical form--a leaning which is by no means incompatible with many republican usages and republican institutions of a subordinate kind. Still less should we exaggerate this idea so far, as to maintain that the Christian government is entirely and necessarily monarchical, even in its outward form; and that a republic is objectionable at all times and under all circumstances without distinction. Such absolutism in the doctrines of public law, and in the theory of government, is very remote from true Christian principles. The unhistorical government of mere reason-the destructive principle of revolution--is indeed totally incompatible with Christianity; principally because the Christian religion tolerates aud recognises all legal institutions, such as they are, without inquiring into their origin (as the gospel not only left inviolate, but even respected the legality of the Roman dominion in the conquered and incorporated countries), and also because the Christian notion of right, like the Christian system of government, is by no means absolute, but is ever qualified by circumstances. A republican government, which is founded not so much on the abstract or rationalist principle of absolute freedom and equality, but on ancient customs and hereditary rights, on freedom of sentiment and generosity of character, consequently on personality, is by no means essentially opposed to the true spirit of monarchy; still less is it inconsistent with the Christian theory of government. But a despotism, illegitimate, not perhaps in its origin, but in its abuse of power, strikes at the first principles of the Christian state, whose mild, temperate, and historical character is as abhorrent from absolutism, as from the opposite principle of unqualified freedom and universal equality -the revolutionary principle, which involves the overthrow of all existing rights.

As in the Christian's estimation, the worth and excellence, of an individual is not to be judged by his outward appearance, or by the observance of certain forms, but by the sincerity of his inward sentiments, so the same observation will apply to states. It is the spirit and purpose of an action, the nature of a deed, the personal conduct displayed in a public measure, and not any outward form, which proves or determines the good or evil tendency of any important act, which may be the subject of history. That Christian tone and spirit which be

longs to the government of the illustrious, but not immaculate Charlemagne, does not proceed from the circumstance, that he, like Alfred after him, solicited the counsels and co-operation of his bishops in framing laws for the various provinces of his empire (for many of these laws contained moral injunctions), or that at Rome the pope placed the imperial crown upon his head. But the Christian spirit of his government is evinced by that lofty idea which filled up the whole of his active life— by his conception of the relations of church and state, and of the utility of science for the civilisation of nations---by his project of an universal empire, destined to embrace and protect all civilised nations-the noble fabric of modern Christendom, of which he laid the first foundation-stone, and which reveals his enlarged views, comprehending alike his own age and succeeding times.

But whenever we meet in history with a government which, independently of outward forms, is founded on the love of divine justice on a principle of self-devotion, whereby rulers are ready to sacrifice their own interest, and even their own existence, in the cause of justice and of social order-these, we may be sure, are the certain and indubitable marks of the realisation of the Christian theory of law and government. On the other hand, wherever we perceive despotism or violence, or what we feel to be absolute wrong, though they be veiled under the sanction of spiritual or temporal power, then we may be sure the whole enterprise is un-Christian, as the principle is un-Christian. Of all the different forms of this political disease, of the manifold kinds of tyranny, whether ecclesiastical or secular, military or commercial, domestic or municipal, academic or aristocratic, the despotism of popular licentiousness is the most reprehensible in principle, and the most destructive in its effects.

With the usages and institutions of the Germanic nations, this peculiar temper of the Christian religion perfectly harmonised; incomparably better, at least, than with the arbitrary government of the Roman state, which, even after the conversion of Constantine, still retained in all essential points a pagan character. In the old German states, the system of hereditary monarchy mostly prevailed;-but it was quite alien from absolutism, and was intermixed with many republican institutions, laws, and customs. The whole system of those governments was founded on the historical basis of ancient