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adopted allies answer antient argument army aster attended Austria besore bill Bonaparte Britain British called Chancellor PITT circumstances Committee conduct consideration considered Constitution declaration Dutch duty Emperor enemy England Europe expedition expence fame fleet force former French French Revolution Government of France ground Habeas Corpus Act Holland honourable friend hope House of Bourbon House of Commons inquiry interest Jacobin justisied King land liberty Lord Grenville Lord Holland Lordships Majesty Majesty's Ministers means measure ment Militia Monarchy motion moved nations necessary negotiation noble Lord noble Secretary object observed occasion officers opinion Parliament peace period persons present principles produce proposed question reason Republic respect restoration resused Revolution right honourable gentleman Russia sacts sailure sarther savour scarcity sentiments shew sirst situation spirit Stadtholder success suppose thing thought TIERNEY tion treaty troops vote wheat William Sidney Smith wish
Side 359 - Such has been the precious defence of the slave trade; and such is the argument set up for Austria, in this instance of Venice. " I did not commit the crime of trampling on the independence of Venice. I did not seize on the city; I gave a quid pro quo. It was a matter of barter and indemnity; I gave half a million of human beings to be put under the yoke of France in another district, and I had these people turned over to me in return...
Side 381 - I say they are friends to peace now; and I am confident that you will one day own it.
Side 329 - The general-in-chief engages the officers of the Republic of Venice, the magistrates, and the priests, to make known these sentiments to the people, in order that confidence may cement that friendship which has so long united the two nations, faithful in the path of honour, as in that of victory. The French soldier is terrible only to the enemies of his liberty and his Government.
Side 319 - ... abated under its misfortunes, nor declined in its decay. It has been invariably the same in every period, operating more or less, according as accident or circumstances might assist it; but it has been inherent in the Revolution in all its stages ; it has equally belonged to Brissot, to Robespierre, to Tallien, to Reubel, to Barras, and to every one of the leaders of the Directory, but to none more than to Bonaparte, in whom now all their powers are united.
Side 374 - Has not the right honorable gentleman, in this House, said the same thing ? In this at least they resemble one another! They have both made use of this assertion ; and I believe that these two illustrious persons are the only two on earth who think it ! But let us turn the tables. We ought to put ourselves at times in the place of the enemy, if we are desirous of really examining with candor and fairness the dispute between us.
Side 343 - ... are we again to be amused with notions of finance, and calculations of the exhausted resources of the enemy, as a ground of confidence and of hope? Gracious God! were we not told five years ago that France was not only on the brink and in the jaws of ruin, but that she was actually sunk into the gulf of bankruptcy?
Side 373 - Ireland from being enslaved, that we presume it precisely the period and the circumstances under which she may best declare her free opinion? Now really, sir, I cannot think that gentlemen who talk in this way about Ireland can, with a good grace, rail at military despotism in France. But it seems " Bonaparte has broken his oaths. He has violated his oath of fidelity to the constitution of the third year.
Side 648 - upon the plain of the field of battle, but upon this plain, the floor of this Houfe, that the Conftitution of England has triumphed, and triumphed it has, without the aid of external force; and it was done by the arms which we have flill in our hands.