the nation that he did not belong to my Administration, to let him remain in point of income as well to the full as he had ever been. I did not touch, and he knew that I did not intend to touch, a hair of the head of any of his family or friends, and they are still left in the full enjoyment of more emoluments than ever was accumulated in any country upon any one family. To the odium of leaving him in possession of his full salary I submitted, rather than incur the risk of displeasing my colleagues by infringing the emoluments of a person professing great attachment to them-though, indeed, I had at the same time no slight grounds of doubting the sincerity of these professions. This, then, is the list of my dismissions, and by them I have drawn down upon my head the censure of my Sovereign, even at the risk of the peace of this kingdom, and have deserved to be abandoned and sacrificed by those in whom I most trusted, and whose support I had every right that the most sincere affection, the most implicit confidence, unbounded reliance, and invariable attachment could give, to depend on. But one more short word on this point of the subject of dismissals: When were those dismissals made, and when announced to the British Cabinet? When did the criminality and the enormity of the offence first commence? It was when, under the credit of my Administration, perhaps derived in part from these very causes, the Parliament had submitted. to unparalleled burthens, not solely for the purpose of providing for the internal security of this kingdom by the most ample and formidable military establishment, but likewise by lending its assistance to the empire at

large in the hour of its greatest distress, by aids great and munificent beyond all precedent. Then commenced the breach of all faith and agreement on my part-then, and not till then, did these dimissals assume the character of heinous, unpardonable criminality. Then did my Administration become mischievous and ruinous to the kingdom, dangerous to His Majesty's service, and subversive of the supremacy of English Government in Ireland."

FITZWILLIAM.

MR. MARCUS BERESFORD TO MR. BERESFORD.

Merrion Square, March 23rd, 1795.

DEAR FATHER,-Lord Fitzwilliam has now settled his departure for Wednesday next. He sent Sir Boyle Rocheb this morning to the Dublin Gazette Office, and directed him to put a notice in to-morrow's paper that he means to hold a levee on Wednesday morning, previous to his departure, and that he sets out precisely at noon on that day to embark. This, which Sir Boyle communicated to several persons, created much alarm,

a The remaining portion of this letter relates to the Catholic question, which, considering its great length, and that the whole has been already published, it is deemed unnecessary to insert here.

b Sir Boyle Roche, Gentleman Usher and Master of the Ceremonies at the Castle; better known for his extraordinary propensity to jokes and bulls than for political importance; M.P. for Gowran 1776; for Portarlington 1783; for Tralee 1790; for Old Leighlin 1796; created Baronet 1782; died 1806.

and he returned to His Excellency to beg he would think better of it.

The Bishop of Ossory was with the Lord-Lieutenant, and joined in thinking it imprudent, but Grattan and the Duke of Leinster spoke to him apart, and Sir Boyle then received positive directions to take the message, which he requested to have in writing. The press was set to work, and the notice known through the town, exciting alarm in every reasonable mind.

The Chancellor pressed His Excellency to go off privately; stated the difficulty which must occur if a riot took place; that an interregnum must occur, during which the Lords Justices could not act ; and that a Liberty mob, as he knew, was prepared to accompany him. His Excellency answered that all that was very disagreeable, but how could he help it? The Chancellor pressed him to send a message to Parliament, desiring an adjournment, which he positively refused. The Chancellor told him he would positively refuse to accept of the Government if he did not send the message, and the Primate is resolved to do likewise.

At half-past three to-day, Lord Milton having interfered, a message was sent to the printer of the Gazette to stop the notice, but it is now too late. Lord Dillon went to the Bishop of Ossory, and stated his opinion of the impropriety of Lord Fitzwilliam subjecting the city to the chance of riot. The Bishop answered, "that he was apprehensive of riot, but upon deliberation His Excellency's friends were of opinion, if it took place, it could not be laid at his door." Lord Fitzwilliam has directed forty-four copies to be made of his second letter

to Lord Carlisle, in order to have it generally circulated. I saw it to-day, and think it so imprudent a performance that Lord Carlisle will hardly make the use of it which he has desired, and show it everywhere.

He begins by stating, that in all the conversations relative to the Catholic question had before he left England, Ministers considered the Catholics entitled to all that they sought, but that it was expedient to keep the business back as much as possible; that he was left a discretionary power on the subject; that upon coming over he found that the Committee of the Catholics had determined to petition; and that finding he could not keep it back, he gave such answers as did not pledge him, and wrote to the English Ministry to apprise them of the situation of the country, and asked for more definite directions for his conduct on that head; that he did so particularly in the letter in which he communicated the dismissal of Wolfe, and then requested directions pressingly on the Catholic business; but that, though he had received an answer to the part of the letter relating to Wolfe, he had not had one word relating to the Catholics in reply; that he never received instructions on that head till he put it to Mr. Pitt whether he chose to have Lord Fitzwilliam as Lord-Lieutenant, or Mr. Beresford as Chief Commissioner; that Mr. Pitt made his election without hesitation, and after having done so, the Catholic question was then first brought forward as a subject of accusation against him.

He endeavours to show that the real cause of his recall was your dismissal and his endeavours to counteract the system of corruption by former Governments.

He states that he had a full determination when he came over to pull down the Beresfords and raise the Ponsonbys, but he thinks it unnecessary to vindicate his character from personal good wishes towards his own connections, and he states his reasons pretty freely. He says Mr. Pitt had determined, from the moment he had committed the Duke of Portland's friends to the Coalition, to degrade such as could not be made his dupes; that he knew that he could not make him his tool, and therefore was determined to ruin him; that, in pursuance of his plan, he had given him up to a man whom he did not regard, and had preferred Mr. Beresford to Lord Fitzwilliam; and concludes with asserting it to have been a determined scheme of Mr. Pitt to ruin him. In the course of his letter he betrays his secret instructions, and states them with inverted commas. He says, that in one despatch the Secretary of State writes "by delaying the Catholic question till the peace, he may render a greater service to the Empire at large than any it has experienced since the Revolution," and mentions another passage from his despatches, which evidently points to an Union. These passages are such as induce me to think that Lord Carlisle may not consider himself justified to make this letter public, notwithstanding Lord Fitzwilliam's imprudent desire to that effect.

On Saturday last the Whig Club published, in the "Dublin Evening Post," an unqualified approval of Mr. Grattan's answer to the Catholics. They entered into another resolution approving of the Addresses, expressing regret at the removal of Lord Fitzwilliam, and at the return to power of those men who would renew the