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In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the District of Columbi

MEARS & DUSENBERY, STEREOTYPERS, PHILADELPHIA.

C. SHERMAN & SON,

PRINTERS.

EDITOR'S PREFACE.

THE Editor of this work deems an extended preface to it unnecessary. The motive which induced its preparation was the necessity which he himself has often felt for a book containing, in a condensed form, a history of the public measures and other matters of political importance which are the subject of discussion at the present time, and are likely to continue to be. This necessity is apparent to every politician in the country. The vast aggregate of political history in the shape of Congressional Debates, &c., through which the seeker for information has to look to reach the gist of a public question, endorses at once the merit of a compilation like this.

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It is not for the politician alone that this work is prepared. It will enable every citizen to acquaint himself readily with the true bearing of each political issue which is presented to him for his decision, and will relieve him from too great a dependence upon the partial statements of great political questions, which generally characterize the speeches and essays of the politicians of the present day.

It would be claiming for the work too much to say that it is perfect. No task is so onerous as that involved in condensing the profuse history of politics in this country into a concise and accessible form. The reader will not find in it some things which he may think the book should contain. In many cases he may justly think so. The Editor, however, has embraced in it everything which he deemed absolutely necessary for the discussion of any political question which may arise with reference to our system of government. He is free to admit that, in order to bring the book into a convenient shape, he has left out many things which seemed to him would find an appropriate

place in it; though he is not aware that he has sacrificed to the demand limited space, anything, the omission of which would materially deprecia character of the work.

He begs his readers to excuse the imperfection of his first edition. future editions will be the result of contemplated improvement, which well be made at this time.

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He makes no especial dedication of his production; but resigns his fellow citizens, who take an interest in such matters, for the and convenience.

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THE

POLITICAL TEXT-B 0 0 K.

Abolition Party.

RISE AND PROGRESS OF.

THE extraordinary increase numerically of the Abolition or Anti-Slavery party of this country cannot be better illustrated than by an exhibit of the increase of its vote, each succeeding election from its initiation as a national organization to the present day.

It first made its appearance in national politics in the Presidential contest of 1840, when its ticket, with James G. Birney of Michigan as its candidate for the Presidency, and Francis J. Lemoyne of Pennsylvania, as its Vice-Presidential candidate, polled 7000 votes. In 1844, with Mr. Birney again as its candidate, it polled 62,140 votes. In 1848, with Martin Van Buren as the Presidential candidate of the Buffalo Convention, and Gerrit

Smith as that of the more ultra anti-slavery men, it polled 296,232 votes. In 1852, with

John P. Hale as its nominee for the Presidency, it polled 157,296 votes. In 1856, with John C. Fremont as its Presidential candidate, it polled 1,341,812 votes.

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Mr. Lawrence of New York presented the memorial of the "Friends" of New York City to the same effect.

Mr. Hartley of Pennsylvania moved that the first named petition be referred, which was seconded by Mr. White of Virginia.

Mr. Stone of Maryland feared that action indicating an interference with this kind of property would sink it in value, and be injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly of the Southern States. He deprecated the disposition of religious sects to imagine they understood the rights of human

nature better than all the world besides, and that in consequence they were found meddling with to do. He was in favor of laying the petition concerns with which they had nothing on the table. He would never consent to refer petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested.

Messrs. Fitzsimmons and Hartley of Pennsylvania, Parker, Madison and Page of Virginia, Lawrence of New York, Sedgewick of Massachusetts, Boudinot of New Jersey, Sherman and Huntington of Connecticut, favored a reference. Messrs. Smith, Tucker, and Burke of South Carolina, Baldwin and Jackson of Georgia opposed a reference, for very much the same reasons advanced by Mr. Stone, and in favor of its going to the table. On the next day the following memorial was presented and read:

"A memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the bondage, and the improvement of the African relief of free negroes unlawfully held in

race.

"The memorial respectfully showeth :

"That, from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed, several years since, in this state, by a number of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their fellow-creatures, of the African race. They have also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and abroad.

"That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happi

ness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed of America fully coincides with the position.

"Your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it to be their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. They have observed, with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you, for promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the United States;' and, as they conceive that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of color to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care will be either omitted or delayed.

"From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion and is still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity, and the principles of their institutions, your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bonds of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. "Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone in this land of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race; and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men.

66

BENJ. FRANKLIN, President.

Philadelphia, February 3, 1790." The debate was resumed on the memorial of the Friends presented the day before.

men would, they would do things whic incur punishment, and cause their ov use a severity with them they were customed to.

Mr. Smith of S. C., amongst other said, that the states would have never into the confederacy unless their prope been guarantied to them, for such is t of agriculture in that country, that slaves it must be abandoned. Why wi people then make use of arguments to the slave to turn his hand against hi ter? A gentleman can hardly come fr country with a servant or two, either place or Philadelphia, but there are ] trying to seduce his servants to leave h when they have done this, the poor w are obliged to rob their master, in o obtain their subsistence; all, therefore, v concerned in this seduction are access the robbery. ** We look upon this mea an attack upon the palladium of the pr of our country; it is, therefore, our d oppose it by every means in our power.

Mr. Page of Va., said he lived in which had the misfortune of having bosom a great number of slaves; he many of them himself, and was as muc rested in the business as any gentlema he was to hold them in eternal bonda would feel no uneasiness on account present menace, because he would rely the virtue of Congress that they wou exercise any unconstitutional authority.

After a long debate, the memorial wa mitted, by a vote of yeas 43, nays 11.

The nays were, Messrs. Baldwin, Ja and Matthews of Ga.; Bland and Co Va.; Burke, Hager, Smith, and Tucker C.; Stone of Md.; and Sylvester of N.

The other memorials were in like m referred.

The committee to whom the memorials referred, made a report, which was re to the committee of the whole House, amended the report of the select comm and resolved, amongst other things:

On the 26th of Nov., 1792, a memor

Mr. Tucker of S. C., was sorry it had had a second reading, as it contained an unconstitutional request, for which he wished it thrown "That Congress have no authority to aside. He feared the commitment of it would fere in the emancipation of slaves, or i be a very alarming circumstance to the South-treatment of them within any of the s ern States, for if it was to engage Congress in it remaining with the several states al an unconstitutional measure, it would be con- provide any regulations therein which sidered an interference with their rights, mak- manity and true policy may require." ing them uneasy under the government, and causing them to lament that they had ever put additional power into their hands. He was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject, signed by a man who ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a mischievous attempt as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. It would buoy them up with hopes without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened *Benjamin Franklin.

Warner Mifflin, one of the people called kers, was presented and read to the H stating certain reflections for the consider of Congress, and in relation to the Af slave-trade, and to the humane treatme slaves in the United Sates.

It was ordered that the said memorial representation do lie on the table.

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