VIII. Extent and popu Persia. CHAP. submission was rewarded with honours and riches: but the prudent Artaxexes, suffering no person except himself to assume the title of king, abolished every intermediate power between the throne and the people. His kingdom, nearly equal in extent to modern Perlation of sia, was, on every side, bounded by the sea, or by great rivers; by the Euphrates, the Tigris, the Araxes, the Oxus, and the Indus, by the Caspian Sea, and the Gulf of Persia3. That country was computed to contain, in the last century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, sixty thousand villages, and about forty millions of souls36. If we compare the administration of the house of Sassan with that of the house of Sefi, the political influence of the Magian with that of the Mahometan religion, we shall probably infer, that the kingdom of Artaxerxes contained at least as great a number of cities, villages, and inhabitants. But it must likewise be confessed, that in every age the want of harbours on the sea-coast, and the scarcity of fresh water in the inland provinces, have been very unfavourable to the commerce and agriculture of the Persians; who, in the calculation of their numbers, seem to have indulged one of the meanest, though most common, articles of national vanity. lation of the war between Recapitu. As soon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed over the resistance of his vassals, he began to threaten the neighbouring states, who, during the the Par-, long slumber of his predecessors, had insulted Persia with impunity. He obtained some easy victories over the wild Scythians and the effeminate Indians; but thian and Roman empire. 35 We can scarcely attribute to the Persian monarchy the sea coast of Gedrosia or Macran, which extends along the Indian Ocean from Cape Jask (the promontory Capella) to Cape Goadel. In the time of Alexander, and probably many ages afterwards, it was thinly inhabited by a savage people of Icthyophagi, or fishermen, who knew no arts, who acknowledged no master, and who were divided by inhospitable deserts from the rest of the world. See Arrian de Reb. Indicis. In the twelfth century, the little town of Taiz (supposed by M d'Anville to be the Tesa of Ptolemy) was peopled and enriched by the resort of the Arabian merchants. (See Geographie Nu biens, p. 58, and d'Anville Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 283.) In the last age the whole country was divided between three princes, one Malo. metan and two Idolaters, who maintained their independence against the successors of Shaw Abbas. Voyages de Tavernier, part i. 1. v. p. 635. 36 Chardin, tom. iii. c. 1, 2, 3. war; VIII. the Romans were an enemy, who, by their past inju- CHAP. ries and present power, deserved the utmost efforts of his arms. A forty years' tranquillity, the fruit of valour and moderation, had succeeded the victories of Trajan. During the period that elapsed from the accession of Marcus to the reign of Alexander, the Roman and the Parthian empires were twice engaged in and although the whole strength of the Arsacides contended with a part only of the forces of Rome, the event was most commonly in favour of the latter. Macrinus, indeed, prompted by his precarious situation, and pusillanimous temper, purchased a peace at the expense of hear two millions of our money; but the generals of Marcus, the emperor Severus and his son, erected many trophies in Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. Among their exploits, the imperfect relation of which would have unseasonably interrupted the more important series of domestic revolutions, we shall only mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon. Seleucia Seleucia, on the western bank of the Tigris, about Cities of forty-five miles to the north of ancient Babylon, was and Ctesithe capital of the Macedonian conquests in Upper phon. Asia. Many ages after the fall of their empire, Seleucia retained the genuine characters of a Grecian colony, arts, military virtue, and the love of freedom. The independent republic was governed by a senate of three hundred nobles; the people consisted of six hundred thousand citizens; the walls were strong, and as long as concord prevailed among the several orders of the state, they viewed with contempt the power of the Parthian: but the madness of faction was sometimes provoked to implore the dangerous aid of the common enemy, who was posted almost at the gates of the colony 39. The Parthian monarchs, like the Mogul sovereigns of Hindostan, delighted in the pastoral life of their Scythian ancestors; and the Im 37 Dion, 1. xxviii. p. 1335. 38 For the precise situation of Babylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Modain, and Bagdad, cities often confounded with each other; see an excellent Geographical Tract of M. d'Anville, in Mem. de l'Academie, tom. xxx. 39 Tacit. Annal. xi. 42. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 26. VIII. CHAP. perial camp was frequently pitched in the plain of Ctesiphon, on the eastern bank of the Tigris, at the distance of only three miles from Seleucia4°. The innumerable attendants on luxury and despotism resorted to the court, and the little village of Ctesiphon insensibly swelled into a great city41. Under the reign of Marcus, the Roman generals penetrated as far as A. D. 165. Ctesiphon and Seleucia. They were received as friends by the Greek colony; they attacked as enemies the seat of the Parthian kings: yet both cities experienced the same treatment. The sack and conflagration of Seleucia, with the massacre of three hundred thousand of the inhabitants, tarnished the glory of the Roman triumph42. Seleucia, already exhausted by the neighbourhood of a too powerful rival, sunk A. D. 198. under the fatal blow; but Ctesiphon, in about thirtythree years, had sufficiently recovered in strength to maintain an obstinate siege against the emperor Severus. The city was, however, taken by assault; the king, who defended it in person, escaped with precipitation; an hundred thousand captives, and a rich booty, rewarded the fatigues of the Roman soldiers13. Notwithstanding these misfortunes, Ctesiphon succeeded to Babylon and to Seleucia, as one of the great capitals of the East. In summer, the monarch of Persia enjoyed at Ecbatana the cool breezes of the mountains of Media; but the mildness of the climate engaged him to prefer Ctesiphon for his winter residence, From these successful inroads, the Romans derived no real or lasting benefit; nor did they attempt to preRomans. serve such distant conquests, separated from the pro Conquest of Osrho ene by the 40 This may be inferred from Strabo, 1. xvi. p. 743. 41 That most curious traveller Bernier, who followed the camp of Au. rengzebe from Dehli to Cashmir, describes with great accuracy the immense moving city. The guard of cavalry consisted of 35,000 men, that of infantry of 10,000. It was computed that the camp contained 150,000 horses, mules, and elephants; 50,000 camels; 50,000 oxen, and between 300,000 and 400,000 persons. Almost all Delili followed the court, whose magnificence supported its industry. 42 Dion, I. lxxxi. p. 1178. Hist. August. p. 58. Eutrop. viii. 10. Euseb. in Chronic. Quadratus (quoted in the Augustan History) attempted to vindicate the Romans, by alleging, that the citizens of Seleucia had first violated their faith. 43 Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1263. Herodian, 1. iii. p. 120. Hist. August. p. 70 A VIII. vinces of the empire by a large tract of intermediate CHAP. desert. The reduction of the kingdom of Osrhoene,, was an acquisition of less splendour, indeed, but of a. far more solid advantage. That little state occupied the northern and most fertile part of Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edessa, its capital, was situated about twenty miles beyond the former of those rivers; and the inhabitants, since the time of Alexander, were a mixed race of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians and Armenians44. The feeble sovereigns of Osrhoene, placed on the dangerous verge of two contending empires, were attached from inclination to the Parthian cause; but the superior power of Rome exacted from them a reluctant homage, which is still attested by their medals. After the conclusion of the Parthian war under Marcus, it was judged prudent to secure some substantial pledges of their doubtful fidelity. Forts were constructed in several parts of the country, and a Roman garrison was fixed in the strong town of Nisibis. During the troubles that followed the death of Commodus, the princes of Osrhoene attempted to shake off the yoke; but the stern policy of Severus confirmed their dependence", and the perfidy of Caracalla completed the easy conquest. Abgarus, the last king of Edessa, was sent in chains to Rome, A. D. 216. his dominions reduced into a province, and his capital dignified with the rank of colony; and thus the Romans, about ten years before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, obtained a firm and permanent establishment beyond the Euphrates. xes claims the pro Prudence as well as glory might have justified a Artaxerwar on the side of Artaxerxes, had his views been confined to the defence or the acquisition of a useful fron-vinces of tier. But the ambitious Persian openly avowed a far Asia, and declares war a 44 The polished citizens of Antioch, called those of Edessa mixed bar-gainst the barians. It was, however, some praise, that of the three dialects of the Romans, Syriac, the purest and most elegant (the Aramean) was spoke at Edessa. A. D. 239. This remark M. Bayer (Hist Edess. p. 5.) has borrowed from George of Malatia, a Syrian writer. 45 Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1248, 1249, 1250. M. Bayer has neglected to use this most important passage. 46 This kingdom, from Osrhoes, who gave a new name to the country, to the last Abgarus, had lasted 353 years. See the learned work of M. Bayer, Historia Osrhoena et Edessena. VOL. I. Hh VIII. CHAP. more extensive design of conquest; and he thought himself able to support his lofty pretensions by the arms of reason as well as by those of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had first subdued, and his successors had for a long time possessed, the whole extent of Asia, as far as the Propontis and the Ægean sea; the provinces of Caria and Ionia, under their empire, had been governed by Persian satraps, and all Egypt, to the confines of Ethiopia had acknowledged their sovereignty. Their rights had been suspended, but not destroyed, by a long usurpation; and as soon as he received the Persian diadem, which birth and successful valour had placed upon his head, the first great duty of his station called upon him to restore the ancient limits and splendour of the monarchy. The Great King, therefore, (such was the haughty style of his embassies to the emperor Alexander) commanded the Romans instantly to depart from all the provinces of his ancestors, and yielding to the Persians the empire of Asia, to content themselves with the undisturbed possession of Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred of the tallest and most beautiful of the Persians; who, by their fine horses, splendid arms, and rich apparel, displayed the pride and greatness of their master48. Such an embassy was much less an offer of negotiation than a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus and Artaxerxes, collecting the military force of the Roman and Persian monarchies, resolved in this important contest to lead their armies in person. Pretended Alexander If we credit what should seem the most authentic of victory of all records, an oration, still extant, and delivered by Severus. the emperor himself to the senate, we must allow that A. D. 233. the victory of Alexander Severus was not inferior to any of those formerly obtained over the Persians by the son of Philip. The army of the Great King consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand horse, clothed 47 Xenophon, in the preface to the Cyropædia, gives a clear and magnifi. cent idea of the extent of the empire of Cyrus. Herodotus (l. iii. c. 79, &c.) enters into a curious and particular description of the twenty great Satrapies, into which the Persian empire was divided by Darius Hystaspes. 48 Herodian, vi. 209-212. |