Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

it

Two crops of cane are generally made in succession, on the same land, one of plant can the other of the second year's growth; then lies fallow two years, or is planted in corn and beans.

Gross proceeds
Expenses
Net proceeds

$23,000

10,000

12,000

Being about 7 per cent. on the capital invested."

by the manufacturers as a species of crime, on our part, to own slaves; but I can tell these philanthropists, that their policy makes us can nibals, for it is not at all uncommon with us, for benevolent masters to be forced to sell their slaves to pay for their subsistence; and many planters may be said literally to be living on their capital. If the average product of the cotton planter were as great as the Senator from Kentucky estimated it, I should be less inclined to censure the Government for its ex I have in possession accounts of sales of a actions. [Here Mr. CLAY explained, by saying cotton plantation in South Carolina, with about his position was, that the average of the whole the same capital, and the proceeds are less than of the cotton planting States, according to in-three thousand dollars! The last year with us formation received by him, he believed to be equal to five bales.] This may be so, I only speak of the product of that part of the country with which lam acquainted, when I say, I believe the same does not exceed two bales. The Senator from Ohio seems to think the planter can es. cape from the tax imposed on imports by sell ing his produce in Liverpool, depositing his money in bank, and then selling bills drawn on it. But let me ask, where, in the mean time, are those articles to come from, which, according to the admission of the Senator from Lou. isiana, are equal to the proceeds of the sale of the crop? The planter or his slaves cannot wear money, or eat money, he must import the arti cles, without which his business cannot go on; or he must bring home his money, and buy a an increased price those taxed articles from the domestic manufacturer.

has been an unfavorable one; but five thousand dollars is a fair average estimate of this plantation; by this it will be seen that the gross amount of the cotton planter is not half as much as the expenditure of the sugar planter. With the same capital, the one making a gross amount of 23,000, the other of 5,000; and yet the sugar planter is to be enriched at the expense of the cotton planter, through the agency of the Government! We do not envy the prosperity of other sections, from causes beyond our control; our labor is now unproductive: we ask nothing but the right to nse what God and nature have given us; and this is denied us to favor interests vastly more prosperous than we are.

What has been done for the four old southern States, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia? Nothing!-literally noI call the attention of the Senate to a publi- thing! This is the proscribed region, we are cation furnished by the Senator from Louisiana, made to feel the government, not by the bounas to the comparative results of the sugar ties it confers, but the burthens it imposes. It planter of Louisiana, and the cotton planter of is here that contending parties for political South Carolina; the one protected and the other prostrated by the Government.

power assail each other, without the least respect to the opinions, interests, or prejudices "The capital invested in a plantation capa- of the inhabitants of the country. The honora ble of producing, by the best man gement, ble Senator from Kentucky, makes a merit of 400,000 pounds of sugar, and 10,000 gallons of turning his back on us. Sir, what have we done molasses, worth on the plantation 23,000 dol-to provoke the vengeance of our brethren? Did lars, must consist as follows:

1500 acres of land, at $50 per acre

90 hands, at $600 each

40 pairs of working oxen, at $50 48 horses at $100

Horizontal sugar mill

2 sets of boilers, at $1500 each Buildings of all descriptions

we not assist to achieve our independence? 75,000 Did not South Carolina furnish her share of 54,000 men and money to maintain the cause of the 2,000 revolution? Did we not stand by our country 4,000 during the late war? What portion of the 4,000 funded debt came to the south? What portion 3.000 of the pensions does she receive? What por25,000 tion of the appropriations for internal improve1,20 ment? How much of the public land? Of this 300 we complain not; we ask nothing but equal laws; and that the Government should not sewheels, hoes, spades, axes, scythes &c. 1,500 quester our estates, and divest us of what law$170,000 ful y belongs to us. When we complain of the plantation action of your laws upon our industry, we are cost 10,700 dollars in the following items: told to remove to the rich lands in the west.

12 carts

80 ploughs

All other utensils, such as timber,

The annual expenses on the above

Provisions of all kinds

Clothing of all sorts

Medical attendance and medicine
Annual losses in

Taxes

negroes

Horses and oxen
Repairs of buildings
Ploughs, carts, &c.
Overseer

3,500 Is this your remedy, that your legislation shall 1,500 drive us into exile? Have you sympathies for 500 the Indian which you have not for the white 1,500 people? If the west be the country it is repre500 ented to be, why is it that such an immense 1,200 sum has been conferred on its inhabitants in 700 the shape of bounties, in their purchase of pub300 lic land. It appears, from evidence I have 1 000 before me, that upwards of sixteen millions'

$10,700 have been remitted to purchasers of public

[ocr errors]

land. The south has been liberal. When We have been told that the abolition of the it was prosperous, the tariff of 1816 was con- rights of primogeniture was the cau e of deceded by them; when purchasers of public pression at the south; that we are too poor to lands said they could not comply with their live, too proud to work, too honorable to recontracts, their purchases have been remitted. sort to ignoble means, and hence we rush into When we stand upon our chartered rights, who nullification. The Senator from Kentucky is can now upbraid us with a want of patriotism? entirely mistaken in the character of our laws, The time has arrived when, if we do not take the habits of the people, and causes which urge care of our own household, we shall be worse them on to nullification. We have a law with than infidels. us which subjects all idlers, strollers from tavern The Senator from Kentucky has told us, that to tavern, loungers, disorderly persons followcotton planting is the most successful and pros- ing no lawful employment, to be taken up for perous labor in the country. I have shown vagrancy; and I have known a man to deposit that it is plainly not so in South Carolina. And his cash in security for his good behavior, as he has alluded to the non consumption resolu- the only alternative left him from being sold as tions adopted some two or three years since, a slave to some one who would make him work. on the subject of western live stock. It is true There is not a more laborious and industrious we did feel dissatisfied that a people, appa-people in the world than the people of South rently deriving so great a benefit from our sta Carolina; they live by work, while others live ple, should combine, with an alien interest, to by their wits. The only portion of our popu break it down; and these resolutions were relation who are exempted by courtesy from sorted to, as well to open the eyes of the peo-working, is the female part. With us, the ple of the western States, as to make an expe. men support their families by their industry, riment how far we could fall in with the restric-the fathers and sons save the mothers and sisters tive system. There is but one of two courses from the rays of the sun, or a dependence on left to oppose the unjust restriction of com- strangers. It is said the progress of civiliza merçe; ei her to throw it off, or fall in and tion is marked by the estimate in which the femake the most of it. A large portion of South male portion is held in society. Among the Carolina would be benefitted by excluding savages and barbarians, it is considered degra western live stock; but these demonstrations ding for the males to work they hunt, fish, against the western trade, although tending to and engage in war, but the females till the lessen it, were soon found insufficient; volunta ground, hoe the corn, and make something to ry associations to resist the prohibitory system subsist on. From the display made of female can scarcely succeed, when smuggling will go industry in this debate; I should be inclined to on against the severest penalties. When we think we were retrogading to a state of barbafound the friends of the American system rism. From a letter bef re me, taking a single among us, profitting by our voluntary restric-cotton factory as a sample, the whole number tions, we had nothing left but to trade with the of females employed i the cotton factories is innocent Kentuckian, who abjured the tariff, 66,000. Where are the men, what are they or to trade with the smuggling Carolinian, who doing? Why do they not take the burthen of was a friend of the tariff. As public sentiment, subsistence and protection of those females? throughout South Carolina, seemed opposed to If I had it in my power, I would make it a pethe restrictive system, in all its forms, free trade nal offence for a manufacturer to engage in his has been resumed with the west, and is stil employment an unmarried female, in the life carried on, I believe, as one of the principal time of either parent. The little pittance thus sources of the commerce and wealth of that made is but a poor equivalent for the hazard country. Those i..terested in grazing, and live and danger to which their health, peace, virtue, stock, are thought to exceed far those interest-and honor, are exposed. If we cannot boast of ed in manufactures, in that region. This will female operatives in manufacturing establishbe seen by the following communication, which ments, we are not made to blush by the de I doubt not the correctness of:

TO THE EDITORS OF THE KENTUCKY REPORTER.

Cumberland Ford, Jun. 5.

DEAR SIR:-As heretofore, I send you the amount of stock passing this place, on the Wilderness and Turnpike road, during the year 1831, for markets, which perhaps some of your many readers may be desirous of knowing; to

vit:

Horses,
Mules,

Total,

4,077
1,999

6,076

velopements of Magdalen societies.

The Senator from New Hampshire, in the course of his speech, made a suggestion which it is proper for me to no ice. It acquires additional importance from the circumstance that similar charges are made from what may be considered the ministerial quarters, He says, he hopes that no unison of purpose exists be tween some of those politic ans who urge the highest duties, as necessary to the vital interests of the country, and some of those who urge to a forcible resistance of high duties, because they were oppressive. I can assure the

Hogs, including 300 shoats, drove with beef Senator, if the insinuation was levelled at me,

cattle,

Stall fed beef cattle,

71,459 or those with whom I act, that it has no foun842 dation. I repel the imputation. What double 387 motive can influence us to haz.rd the peace of the country unnecessarily? have we nothing to

Sheep,

Probable amount of all,

$980,000

lose by revolution and civil war? What poli- strength and additional security. It is said, tical preferment awaits us as a compensation for with us, to be unattainable. If it was once seeming what we are not? What act have we formed it would maintain itself. All communi done which has shown our attachment to prin- ties divide themselves into the few and the ma ciple is vaccilating or ambidextrous? Show us ny. The first are the rich and well-born; the the anti-tariff measure we have opposed, or the other the mass of the people. The voice of anti-tariff man that we have turned from and the people has been said to be the voice of abandoned. God; and however generally this maxim has Let us see how far the honest men, the pa- been quoted and believed, it is not true in fact. triots, the judicious tariff men, differ with high The people are turbulent-they seldom judge pressure tariff men. The treasury report on or determine right. Give, therefore, the first this subject is nearly identical with the resolu- class a distinct and permanent share in the gotions of the Senator from Kentucky; it proposes vernment; they will check the unsteadiness of to keep on the duties on all, which are called the second, as they cannot receive any advanthe protected articles. The political compro- tage by the change, they, therefore, will ever mising party, with which the Senator from New maintain a good government." Hampshire acts, constitutes the head of the tariff column of attack. If there be a wish to meet on middle ground, let the friends of protection advance to the centre; I for one will not stickle for a hairbreath on this question. All we desire is justice, equality, and uniformity in the regulation of the tariff, so as to meet the expenditures of the civil list, and just wants of the government.

This is the language of the great Corypheus of the protective policy. The tariff laws are the foundation, in fact, of the British system, on which the "rich and well-born" will mount and rule the honest yeomanry of this country.

The Senator from Kentucky, in his zeal to bear down the free trade, with less than his usual magnanimity, has assailed the learned author of the Free Trade Memorial. He has told The Senator from Kentucky has animadvert him to go home to Europe and inculcate his upon the conduct of the President pro tem., principles. The same causes, which made him the Senator from Maryland, on account of his seek refuge in this land of freedom, still openot constituting the Committee on Internal Im-rate to keep him here. He has been an Ameprovements favorable to increased expenditures rican citizen longer than I have; he has done in that branch. While he censures for this, he his country some little service, and has been does not give the Honorable Senator credit for ably sustained on this floor. And let me tell creating the Committee on Finance and Manu- the Senator one thing: if that individual were facturing Committee, or making the Manufac-a member of this Senate, he would defend himturing Committee thoroughly what it purports self from the imputations thus heaped upon to be. He is as severe with the President pro him, with the sparkling eye of genius, and the tem. as Junius was with the Duke of Grafton; cutting sarcasm of a tongue, as skilled in dehe is not willing to admit that he can do right bate, as powerful in advocating the cause of by accident. It is obvious that the American truth. I was the more surprised to hear the System party want the whole game in their denunciations of this gentleman, since, at the own hand: they are not willing to surrender Free Trade Convention, he was looked upon anything. with some jealousy, for his supposed political

The friends of high taxes and the British re- partiality to the Senator from Kentucky. We strictive system feel the full force of the breach | live in strange times, and seem to be acting the made in the symmetry of their policy, by the Mid-summer-night's Dream-those we woo payment of the national lebt. If we were in turn from us, and those who woo us, we turn debt as much as Great Britain, no question from.

would arise about the constitutionality of the The gentleman is not backward in retaining tariff. The forcing power could then be ap-foreigners in his ranks. I will not say to M. plied to any extent. This difference is not suf- Cary, "go home." I am willing that he may ficiently marked by those who look to the po- remain and shed any light he may possess, in licy of Great Britain as an example to be fol- favor of the principles he thinks right. In the lowed. eulogy which the Senator from Kentucky proProhibitory duties are but parts of one en-nounced on the foreign emigrants to this coun tire whole-aristocracy, monopoly, debt. The wealth of the few, and the poverty of the many, make up the British system; and this is held up to us, as an example to follow, by the American System champions.

Great reliance in this debate is placed on the opinions and reports of Alexander Hamilton. Let us hear what he says of the propriety of adopting the British sys em:

try, he omitted to no ice the Scotch. This might have been considered accidental, but for the thrust he made at the Scotch merchant, in another part of his argument. They are, by some means or other, put down as the friends of free trade, and consequently denounced. Now the truth is, we have not in the conntry a more industrious, moral, and worthy class of people than the Scotch. Of those engaged in He says, "I believe the British Government agriculture, they are temperate, untiring, and forms the best model the world ever produced; intelligent; and with us, convert to use and and such has been its progress, in the minds of subsistence, a portion of our lands, which many, that this truth gradually gains ground. would otherwise remain a wild and waste wil This government has for its object public derness.

How does it happen, that the Scotch mer- such is not the case now. While our old men chant comes in for so large a share of the Se- and women, and little children, rested in safenator's vengeance against free trade? Is it be-ty by day, and in security by night, in defiance cause his habits, his intelligence, his honesty, of southern interest and southern feelings, the and fair dealing, elevate him in the commercial sentinel on the wall, with unequalled perfidy, world above the surrounding competitors? Is recreant and traitorous, turned his fire upon his it because the merchant from old England, and own people, and, as far as he could, spread the merchant from New England, flourish not desolation in his own camp. He is the surviin the vicinity, but are banished, blighted, and vor of Nat Turner, and the confederate of withered by Scotch industry, and Scotch saga Lundy and Garrison. eity; or is it because cotton bagging is made in I trust the Senator from New Jersey will not Inverness and Dundee? Sir, no nation stands insist that we are rallying at his call-spare us higher than Scotland for the production of from this last disgrace, the enlistment under great men, nor for the additions which have such a leader. After all, this call to arms, probeen made to arts and sciences, and to the im-perly understood, means nothing; it is but the provements of society, moral or intellectual. galvanic artificial spasm of a lifeless toad. It is will not detract from the Gaelic character, nor not animated by one pure principle of patriotirreverently speak of a people who boast of such country men as Bruce, Burns, and Brougham.

ism or public virtue. It is the hollow hearted, spiritless, hypocritical echo of a press prostitut The Senator from Kentucky has been kind ed to power, and the servile follower of men. and respectful to South Carolina, while he re Has the Senator forgotten the bold and warprobated her principles, and made war upon like eloquence of Sempronious? "My voice her friends. He will pardon me for telling is still for war! Gods, can a Roman Senate him what the people of that State think of the long debate?" when he had Cæsar's commis rival western candidates, for the first honors of sion in his pocket.

the country. They think the Senator from Let me tell those who have union so much Kentucky is a "whole hog" tariff man; and that on the tongue and thrift at heart, that if the General Jackson is not much of a tariff man. union perishes, it will be their fault. I have Their principles form their associations; and in my hand a letter, purporting to be a circular, the present ultra notions of the Senator from addressed to the postmasters in the south, as Kentucky, upon matters of constitutional law, erting that slavery must be abolished, or the and public policy, place an impassable gulf union dissolved. Intelligent and honorable between them and him. We honor him for his men are not responsible for such sentiments, eloquence-for his early opposition to federal but they are permitted to escape from the inencroachments-particularly his opposition to cendiary or fanatic with impunity; the press the incorporation of the United States Bank, upon neutral ground is permitted to shoot its We value his services during the late war, rockets and inflammatory matter into our towns, when he stood forth the champion of his coun- and upon our mansions; and those whose duty it try against a bold and talented minority. We is to repress the nuisance, make no effort to do so are grateful to him and his associates, for their The following observations, taken from a success in procuring an honorable peace-for pamphlet laid on our tables, may be taken as a his present principles, and his present policy, token from our northern friends of their love we praise him not. for us, and the value they set on the Union: Among other animadversions upon the tem- The abolition of slavery would, theref re, per manifested in the South, the Senator from take from our southern brethren only what does New Jersey has read a piece from a southern not now belong to them. This is already acpaper, headed "A call to arms." Upon being knowledged by not a few of themselves; and I asked for his authority, it turns out to be from am confident that many more, whose pecuniary the Richmond Enquirer. And this is quoted circumstances would be most affected by the to us in such a way as to induce a belief that change, will be the first to acquiesce in it, when the people were even now falling into ranks, they shall be brought to realize the enormous to oppuse by force the Government, and, of wickedness of the present system. 'course, it could be no other people than th "It cannot be denied, that, in some instanhot-headed nullification party. Sir, the Sena-ces, the emancipation of the blacks may turn tor from New Jersey understands the Richmond the abodes of wealth into the habitations of Enquirer, on some points; and I am surprised, want. Such reverses of fortune, however, are that he should seem disposed to hold the South occasioned, probably, to as great an extent, by responsible for the belligerent call of Thomas new laws arresting or turning the carcer of Ritchie. commerce, or our moneyed institutions." There was a time when, whatever appeared This is a specimen of the care which a consoin that paper, (one of the most influential and lilated government would take of our properwidely circulated papers in the southern county, and the restless temper of those who are try,)might be considered as indicating the tem- preaching peace, while they are spreading fire per of the south. That time has gone by.brands and war.

We were wont to 1ok upon Richmond as the Sir, I consider it one of the duties of the West Point-the strong post on our frontier-younger members of society to pay respect to mounted by the Enquirer, under whose bat e- the elder. One of the finest specimens of this ry we reposed with safety and security. But moral feeling I ever witnessed, was the recep

[ocr errors]

tion given by the Free Trade Convention, to tucky admits the claims of the south. He adthe Chief Justice; he was invited to take his mits the force of the old common maxim, seat within the bar. When he came in, with-"melior est conditio possidentis," "better is the out any previous concert, the whole as embly condition of the occupant." He admits, that by one common impulse rose to receive him government ought not to divest the rights of This was the unsought homage, which a cor-the citizen to that which they are in possession rect moral sense paid to the social virtues, of; and by mere power change the condition of, splendid talents, and distinguished services of men without any motive but favoritism. In a this illustaious personage. Our association with word, he admits, that the south is proscribed by the Senator from Maryland ought not to lessen the same rule that the innocent unoffending our respect for his age and his public services. incumbent in office has been; and that the same I regret that so much warmth was elicited in moral code, which reforms the bread out of the this debate between the Senators from Ken-mouths of A's children into the mouths of B's tucky and Maryland. I regret it, as an evi. children is applied to reform the money out of dence of excitement incident to this debate. I the pocket of southern owners, into the pocket regret it, moreover, because the Senator from of northern owners. Maryland, with much apparent good feeling, appealed to the hardened will of the majority, to relax this system in favor of the South. And let me ask in sorrow, rather than in anger, how was this appeal responded to? The Senator from Kentucky answers to this by saying the Senator from Maryland is a component part of a political majority.

The only difference which seems to be recognised in the just similitude, is, that one class of the wrong doers prowl at night, come forth from "fen and forest," to fatten on the spoil of others, while, by the other class, the mischief is done in open day with open force. And has it come to this, that in the face of the Senate, he who moves upon his victim under "The friends of the American System have color of darkness, in the "silent night, when been reminded, by the honorable gentleman screech owls cry and ban-bun dogs howl, when from Maryland, (General SMITH,) that they are spirits walk and ghosts break up their graves," the majority, and he has admonished them to is to be reproached with his misdeeds as a palexercise their power in moderation. The ma- liation for the daylight invasion of property by jority ought never to trample upon the feelings the majority who sustain the tariff! or violate the just rights of the mino ity. They Sir, I concur entirely in the tribute of respect ought never to triumph over the fallen, nor to paid by the eloquent Senator from Virginia, make any but a temperate and equitable use of (Mr. T.,) to the Senator from Kentucky. I actheir power. But these counsels come with an knowledge the power of his eloquence, the ill grace from the gentleman from Maryland. fascination of his manners, the influence he bas He, too, is a member of a majority-a political had, has now, and always will have in any delimajority. And how has the administration of berative or legislative assembly. He should rethat majority exercised their power in this member that those requirements should be used country? Recall to your recollection the fourth for the good of his country; from him to whom of March, 1829, when the lank, lean, famished much is given, much is expected. But few forms, from fen and forest, and the four quar men arrive at the point which enables them to ters of the Union, gathered together in all the do what is right without looking back; there halls of patronage; or stealing, by evening's are but few statesmen who have strength enough twilight, into the apartments of the President's to do a great national good, or reconcile a dismansion, cried out, with ghastly faces, and in cordant interest-let him imitate a younger; but sepulchral tones: Give us bread! Give us trea- not less talented man, the Chairman of the Comsury pap! Give us cur reward! England's bard mittee of Ways and Means in the other House, was mistaken; ghosts will sometimes come, who, against public sentiment at home, sustains called or uncalled. Go to the families who the United States Bank. He owes it to his were driven from their employments on which fame, to reconcile conflicting interest on this they were dependent for their subsistence, in subject. Let it not be said that he who poured consequence of their exercise of the dearest oil upon the waters on the Missouri question, right of freemen. Go to the mothers, whils: made them again turbid on the tariff. hugging to their bosoms their starving children. Let him save the south from desperation, Go to the fathers, who, after being disqualified, and history will do justice to his memory; and by long service, for any other business, were posterity, a grateful posterity inscribe, stripped of their humble places, and then his tomb, "Here rests the man who loved his sought by the minions of authority, to be stript country more than himself."

on

of all that was left them-their good names- I am admonished by the time I have consum and ask, what mercy was shown them? As for ed, to bring my observations to a close. The myself, born in the midst of the revolution, the good and the evil are set before us; having the first air that I ever breathed on my native soil power to do good, we have also the power to of Virginia, having been that of liberty and in-do evil. Although the punishment may not be dependence, I never expected justice, nor de-so certain and so speedy as that which followed sired mercy at their hands, and scorn the wrath, the violation of constitutional law by our first and defy the oppression of power." parents, yet the eternal purpose of justice will What is the moral to be deduced from this be executed on that government which trans reply. It is this, that the Senator from Ken-cends its powers and oppresses its people.

« ForrigeFortsett »