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he not fulfilled his pledge? It will not do to mate and constitutional wants of the GovernThe report on the contrary abandons say, that other business has precedence. This ment. the ad valorem principle almost entirely, and is a matter in which the integrity of the admi nistration is involved; and we venture to affirm, adopts specific duties, some of which instead of that if the friends of the administration ask for Mr. Ritchie's maximum of 20 to 25 per cent. the inquiry, it will be granted. We have for-range upwards of 100 per cent., and the averborne to press the evieence within our reach, age of the protective duties will, we have no because we considered Mr. Polk pledged doubt, taking into consideration all circumstanto ask for an investigation If he does not ces, average at least 45 per cent. fully double do so, we will take the guilt of the parties Mr. Ritchie's maximum. as confessed. If he does urge it, all that

To this must be added the new, dangerous, we have said will be fully sustained by the and unconstitutional principle of a protective most conclusive testimony. Certainly, as far as BOUNTY, a protective auction, a protective vathe examination has progressed, Mr. Stan-luation in this country, (since corrected by the The at- Secretary,) and the oppressive and monopolizbery's statement is fully sustained. tempt of the pensioned press to justify Houston, ing scheme of cash payments, which we underon the ground that he was slandered by Mr. stand, some of the intelligent manufacturers Stanbery, will be made to recoil on his advo-estimated to be worth from 10 to 15 per cent. cates. Of the matter before the House, which to them. is the assault upon one of its members, we do

To come

Between his previous commitment, and the not speak; but we do assert, that there is no report of the Secretary, which are so opposed, candid man, unprejudiced by party, who has Mr. Ritchie, is put to the utmost shift to preread the evidence already given, can doubt the serve a show of consistency, and maintain his truth of the charge alleged against Eaton and allegiance to the "powers that be." Houston; and if presented fairly and freely, out at once, throw up his cap, and laud the rethere will not be a loop to hang a doubt upon. port would be too strangely inconsistent-that he, therefore, leaves to his Washington correspondent, who doubtless is Thomas Ritchie, speaking in another character.

By a typographical error of the 7th ints-, we were made to date the celebrated woollens bill in 1816, instead of 1826. By a reference to the Journal, page 245, we find that it was laid on the table, February 28, 1827. The yeas and nays were as follows:

The difficulty on the other side is not less embarrassing--to come out manfully--in maintainenance of the position he had taken-to condemn the report as unconstitutional and ex. travagant, as sacrificing the interest of the planYEAS-Messrs. Benton, Berrien, Bouligny, tation States, and as courting the interests of Branch, Chambers, Clayton, Cobb, Eaton, the monopolists at their expense, would have Hayne, Johnson, of Kentucky, Kane, Macon, Randolph, Reed, Ridgely, Rowan, Smith, of been a forfeiture of his claims upon those in Maryland, Smith of South Carolina, Tazewell, power. and White-20.

NAYS-Messrs. Barton, Bell, Chandler, Dick erson, Edwards, Findlay, Harrison, Hendricks, Holmes, Knight, Marks, Mills, Noble, Robbins, Ruggles, Sandford, Seymour, Silsbee, Thomas, and Woodbury-20.

In this dilemma, he takes his usual course. With a show of candor, he condemns parts of the report in a feint tone; with a view, doubtless, to be retracted hereafter, he speaks of the extravagant rates upon some articles, but immediately qualifies it with praise upon some others not much less objectionable than those which he condemns. It condemns in an under tone the bounty and auction system, but mark, he says not one word as to their unconstitutionality, we might say their dangerous unIt will be seen that Mr. Smith, of South Ca-constitutionality, as a part of the protective sysrolina was present, and voted with the Vice tem. That system only requires these addiPresident. He now asserts that Mr. Calhoun tional qualities to give it perfection. With Comment is un-these it will have the utmost pliancy. By their

The Vice President voting in the affirmative, the bill was laid on the table, and its passage thus defeated.

was in favor of the measure! necessary.

MR. RITCHIE AND Mr. McLANE'S RE

PORT.

dexterous use every cent of burden may be taken off of one portion of the Union, and every cent laid on the other. There was a time when Mr. Ritchie would not have been silent We have at length received Mr. Ritchie's under so dangerous an infraction of the Consticomments on the report of the Secretary of the tution. His press was then the advocate of Treasury, on the tariff. We anticipated the liberty, but it is now the servile tool of power. There is one view of Mr. Ritchie's remarks awkward position in which his comments, in advance of that document with our remarks which deserves the severest reprehension. He would have placed him. We have not been not only assumes to be the sincere advocate of disappointed. Never was poor wight more a fair adjustment of this question, but underawkwardly situated-nothing can be in more takes to cast imputation on the motives of those perfect contrast than the report and Mr. Rit- whom he charges with a design of defeating chie's comments-the latter proposes a tariff any fair adjustment of it. We leave those of from 20 to 25 per cent. ad valorem as a maxi whom he attacks to defend themselves; but as mum, with a gradual diminution to the legiti-far as we, and those with whom it is our pride

to act, are concerned, we pronounce his asser-in a condition at least as dangerous as it is at tions to be false and calumnious. There are present? What, then, is to be done? We annone more sincerely desirous of seeing a termi-swer, as Mr. Ritchie did himself, before he was nation of this controversy than ourselves; ac-bidden to eulogise Mr. McLane's report, let cording to our property and prospects, no one the duties be reduced to 20 or 25 per cent.; has a greater interest; to none could a conflict, let the act contain a prospective diminution, should any unfortunately arise, prove more dis-gradually reducing (we scarcely care how slow, astrous: our all is at stake; but we feel as-we are for allowing ample time) the revenue, sured that no adjustment can take place; we to the legitimate and constitutional wants of the mean any thing deserving the name of being Government; to the point we have already called an adjustment-one which would not stated. On this basis, and on this alone, we leave a rankling, more dangerous than the feel assured the only permanent adjustment can wound itself, unless based upon justice, be made, and we do conscientiously believe, which shall exact from the tax-payers not a that the manufac.urers themselves are as deepcent more than is required by the legitimately interested as the south in such an acjustwants of the Government; which shall leave the ment; which, placing it on the basis of justice burden that remains as equally imposed as pos and equality, will heal the districtions of the sible, and equalise the expenditures of the Go-country, avert pending calamity, and restore vernment as far as the public service will per- harmony, peace, and concord. mit. Will Mr. McLane's project effect this, producing these blessed fruits would give perAn adjustment or any thing like it? Will it reduce the reve-manency to the pursuits of the country, and nue to the legitimate wants of the Government? stability to our Constitution, our Union, and These, we conceive, ought not to exceed ele our liberty.

STATE RIGHTS" and "JEFFERSONIAN
DOCTRINES OF '98."

ven millions at most; whereas Mr. McLane We conclude by remarking, that Mr Rit estimates the income upon the duties alone, on chie's attack on the distinguished son of the his scheme, at twelve millions; to which, if south, who has freely sacrificed his political we add the proceeds of the public lands and prospects to a sens of duty, in this great cribank dividends, estimated at least at three sis, is quite in character with his subserviency millions, we have a revenue of fifteen mil-to Mr. Van Buren. It is of the same descriplions. But he has greatly under estimated tion of the attack recently made by Julge the imposts under his proposed scheme, which Smith, in his Spartanburg speech, for a refucan be easily shown; instead of twelve miltation of which we r fer to our article in the lions, it will certainly exceed fifteen millions; l'elegraph of last week. which, added to the proceeds of the public lands and the bank dividends, would swell the revenue beyond eighteen millions, and leave a surplus of at least seven millions of dollars! What is to be done with this surplus? Is it to be applied to an extravagant pension list? to An interesting and useful pamphlet in rela the building of sea walls, excavation of har-tion to the true principles of the Federal Conbors, improvement of the navigation of creeks, stitution, and the rights of the States, has just and, finally, to open the dangerous question of been issued from the press of JONATHAN ELLIemancipation! which must annihilate the south orr, containing upwards of eighty pages of if permitted to be agitated! Will Mr. Ritchie close matter, embracing as much reading as is call that a settlement-a safe, constitutional usually spread over 200 common o tavo pages. settlement-which would leave such a sur-Besides the celebrated report of Mr. Madison plus ? on the Alien and Sedition Laws, Virginia and So much for the surplus; but will the pro- Kentucky Resolutions, &c. it contains, at large, posed project leave the burden equa upon the among other important political questions, Mr. country? we mean as equal as may be practi- Calhoun's Address, opinions of Jefferson, Mccable for we know that perfect equality is not Kean, Tilghman, Marshall, and others, on the attainable. So far from this—so far from equal-extent of the powers of the federal judiciary, izing, the scheme will greatly increase the ex- and Mr. Jeff rson's original draught of the isting inequality, whether we regard the coun Kentucky resolutions. To borrow the words try as divided,between the planting and the other of the preface to this pamphlet, we may add States, or between capital and labor. From the that "these documents shed a broad and clear wealthy most of the taxes will be either entirely light on this subject, (the Constitution, which taken off or greatly reduced; while those that will remove from the mind of the candid inquipress with severity on labor, with the excep-rer after truth every doubt as to the true theotion of negro cloth, are very inconsiderably re-ry of the Constitution-the boundaries of jurisduced. Viewed in the other light, between diction between the Federal and State governthe plantation and the other States, the inequa- ments- the rights of the States- and the conser lity will be still greater. Almost every burdenvative principles of our political system.' is taken from the latter, while almost the en-publisher merits the thanks of the public for tire pressure of the system is left on the former. producing this pamphlet at this m tent of poWill Mr. Ritchie say that such an adjustment is litical animation. We hope he may be rewardsafe and constitutional? Or will he even ven-ed for his labor in the sale of the edition, which, ture to assert that it will not leave the country we learn, is very extensive.

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MR. PATTON AND HIS RESOLUTION. will sustain the truth of the charge, which Mr. Patton has volunteered to pronounce a calumThe Richmond Whig says: ny, without having in his possession any eviWe aver that "Speaking the other day of Mr. Patton's re-dence to sustain his statement. solution to prohibit the publication of the pro- the statement in the Telegraph is not a calumceedings in Houston's case, pending the trial, Mr. Patton says it is. We speak of facts we observed that we were less surprised at his : resolution than at the zeal he had manifested which we know to be true. Mr. Patton speaks throughout the affair. We added, that the of matters of which he does not pretend to have "paper he alluded to was the Telegraph-the any personal knowledge whatever. We repeat, let an investigation be asked-let the publication, that to which he had reference on truth be examined into; until this be done, it Friday, as farther illustrating the attempted will not do for Mr. Patton, or any one else to fraud in the case of the emigrating Indians." say, that no fraud was intended. The facts Mr. Patton declared he had been informed by will speak for themselves; and the public can one of the parties implicated, that the publica be at no loss for a proper interpretation of tion was grossly false in its essential particulars! Did Mr. P. expect one of the parties implicated to confess it to be true?

"We understand that Mr. Patton was misre ported in the paper (the Telegraph) from which we extracted the report of his observa tions; that he did not say he had been inform ed by one of the parties implicated; that with none of those parties had he acquaintance or intercourse; and that he had reference to information derived from others.

"We make this explanation with much pleasure, there being few, (out of the circle of his personal friends,) better disposed to wish Mr. Patton success in his path through life than ourselves. We confess that, entertaining high respect for his abilities and his independence, we were somewhat surpri ed to see the appa rently partisan nature of his exertions at the outset of Houston's affair; a sentiment, we be lieve, pretty generally diffused throughout this part of the community."

them, or of the cause of Mr. Patton's zeal.

The Globe, of the Sd instant, has an article headed Specific Appropriations" in relation to an outfit of a Minister to France, which was struck out of the appropriation by the vote of the Senate, that deserves some remarks.

Like every thing which comes from that quarter, it is calculated to deceive. According to the official, the question was simply one of specific or contingent appropriation; and, in this view, it expresses amazement that the friends of Mr. Calhoun, who, as it truly says, have been the sticklers for specific appropriations, should be found in favor of striking out the outfit. The Globe must know that it presens a false issue. The question of specific and contingent appropriations was only drawn incidentally into the discussion; the real issue was as to the power of the President in filling vacancies, where, in point of fact, they did not occur in the recess of Congress as provided for We note this article of the Whig for the pur in the Constitution. The debate will soon be Mr. Patton published at large, and we, therefore, will not pose of correcting the correction. was not mis-reported in the Telegraph; and it dwell upon this point. But it is proper to rewill be found, upon examination, that the expla. mark, that this is no new question-it is one of nation will place him in no better position long standing on which different views have than the report. If Mr. Patton did not derive been taken from the very commencement of his information from one of the parties, from the Government, as was truly said by Mr. Tazewhom did he derive it? If he did not derive it well in the debate. from the parties direct, he must have derived it through second or third persons, or through the publications of the accused and it matters not whether Mr. Patton had any acquaintance or intercourse with the parties; he became the It seems from the debate in the sponsor for the accused, by vouching for his innocence. To say that he did not derive his House, where he took the lead on the side of information from the accused, is but showing the administration, that Mr. Adams still adheres the zeal in which he entered upon his defence; to the pinion which he then advanced. He why did he do so? Certainly not as the partisanas, for his efforts on that occasion, been lauded of Houston, but because he knew that such a by the Globe and the devoted organs of power, course would be acceptable to those who wield though he had the candor to tell the House, What evi- that it was not he but the administration who had the patronage of the Government. dence has Mr. Patton, or any one adduced, to changed, whilch he illustrated bythe striking si❤ prove the innocence of Houston? None bu. mile of the turn-stile. What a remarkable spectacle does this exhithe denial of Houston, whose statement, taken at large with facts which are either admitted bit! But three short years have passed away or incontrovertible, is conclusive, to show that s.nce General Jackson came into power, but a fraudulent contract was intended. If Mr. short as this period is, all of the principles and Pa ton believes that the parties are innocent, he professions which brought him into office, have owes it to himself and to the Administration to been so completely deserted, that the very incall for an investigation; in which case M.dividual who was turned out, in order to make Stanery is pledged to adduce the proof that room for him, and whose principles reinain un

:

Mr. Adams was among the strenuous asserters of the rights of the Preident to make appointments of Ministers in the recess, and in the discussion of the celebrated Panama mission, this formed a prominent point between him and the supporters of General Jackson.

changed, is now his leading advocate on one of more attached to their own advancement than the questions which constituted a prominent to the interests of their constituents, or to the point, as we have said, on which his elevation to happiness and liberty of the country. power, against Mr. Adams, turned!! Well Now is the time that every citizen should might Mr. Adams compare the case to a turn-read the debates, and attend to the journals. stile, which General Jackson had turned in

putting him out, but which he turned back to We insert to-day another letter from Judge the same position in coming in himself. Brackenridge. No man has had better opporCan any lover of his country look on this tunities to study the real character of General spectacle without despair? What can be bet-Jackson, and the reputation of the writer for ter calculated to destroy all confidence in pub-truth and purity of character, will give addi lic men, and to corrupt the public morals than tional force to the picture which he exhibits. hat the people shall believe that political profes-The writer truly remarks that General Jackson sions mean nothing, and that political struggles" will yet live to read the sentence which the are but mere selfish contests between the ins ruth and justice of history will be called to and the outs; in which there is neither truth nor pronounce upon him;" and he is blind to comsincerity, on either side, on the part of those ing everts who does not see that most pitiable engaged? It will be impossible that our institu- will be his condition if he be re-elected the Pretions can long endure when this is the case.sident of these United States. When in the We fear that it has come to this already, and decline of his power he shall be deserted by that General Jackson, by abandoning all of the those sycophants, at whose promptings he has principles and professions which brought him forfeited the confidence and affection of the into power, has given our liberty a fatal stab. wise and virtuous-of those who would have veiled his infirmities for the sake of his country. It was said of the war of the revolution, that Judge Brackenridge feels called upon to asit was a time to try mens' souls. The same may sume the responsibility of putting history right be said of the present crisis--which we do so-in some important particulars, and as he writes lemnly believe involves principles as important as under his proper signature we cannot refuse those asserted in that great struggle, and in its him the use of our columns. results not less pregnant of good and evil; whe

ther we regard our own destiny, or that of the

human race. It has been long approaching, THE ALBANY ARGUS AND THE TARIFF. and we thoroughly believe that it involves We insert below a letter which we find in in its consequences the union and the liberty of the Albany Argus, of the 4th instant, which these States. As it may be decided, the Go-the editor says is written by an able member of vernment will be one of confederated States, Congress from that State, and a sound republiwith efficient checks on their part, to arrest the can." We concur with the Argus in saying, encroachment of the General Government; or a that the facts are entitled to consideraconsolidated Government, controlled by the tion." despotic and unrestricted will of a majority

The writer assumes that the present duty imThat the latter cannot exist without leading to poses a TAX of wo dollars per capita on the anarchy, and, finally, to an entire change of the people of the United Stat s, and that the resystem, has been universally admitted by all port of the Secretary proposes to abolish one sound statesmen, of all parties, from the com-half. He says that the people of the State of mencement of our Government. Such a ter-New York now pay in United States TAXES mination would end not only in the loss of our four millions of dollars; and that a repeal of liberty, but to arrest, if not to overthrow, the one half of these taxes would save to them cause of freedom every where. Such a crisis, more money than the price of the whole awe repeat, affords an opportunity of knowing mount of "wool, flour, and every thing else the real character of public men--to distinguish | which New England now buys from New between the subservient instruments of power Vork." who look to the Presidential contest, and with it The letter also says that the agriculturists to power, patronage, and office, more than to will be indemnified for the reduction on the the liberty of the country. raw material, by the saving in the price of the The south will, in an especial manner, have articles which they buy and consume "to the from this crisis a certain criterion of judging of amount of many millions." It is said, that the the fidelity of their public servants. Let them proportion of domestic, as compared with folook and mark, if there be any who are heard reign manufactures, consumed in the United only when questions arise which affect the Exe States, is as three to one. If, then, the data cutive or the adminis ration-who are all alive to presented by this republican member of Con maintain the power and patronage of the Govern-gress be correct, and the people of the State ment, and to defend, "ght or wrong"-those of New York now pay two millions of Collars who have the disposition of them; but who, up-in United States taxes, they are, a the same on all other questions, which involve the liber-time, paying three times that sum more on acty and the fate of the country--the tariff--the count of the increased price of the domestic pension--and the like, are silent, be they articles which they consume, swelling the tax ever so important. Such may be put down as levied by the tariff upon the people of that men more devoted to power than to liberty--State to the enormous sum of six millions more,

or, in the whole, to eight millions of dollars, produce a revenue of eight millions at least, and yet we are told that the whole amount of and proposes to make that permanent! agricultural products so'd to the New Eng. The letter writer suggests that Mr. Calhoun land States does not equal two millions of dol- and his friends will oppose Mr. McLane's lars!! scheme, because it will put an end to nullificaWe would ask if such a system, thus describtion, by a reasonable adjustment of the tariff. ed by its own friends, is to be rivetted on the We have shown that the scheme does not proAmerican people? Who does not see that, if pose such an adjustment, and to us it is obvious it operates so unjustly and oppressively on hat the reason why it does not, is that the adthe people of New York, its operation is much ministration do not wish to see the tariff adjusted more oppressive on the south on the planta- on terms which will be, or ought to be, satistion States. In New York, the high duty on factory to the south. Its partisans pretend that wool acts as a prohibition, and many of her such an adjustment would kill nullification, and farmers are wool growers; and the manufactu- bury Mr. Calhoun's political prospects. No rers consume all that is raised, while there i one can doubt the anxiety of the administration no protection on the great staples of the south to accomplish this. Nor, that they would de-on her cotton, tobacco, and rice, -for the vote themselves to that object, if they believed New England States cannot consume them; that an adjustment of the tariff would put an they are raised for a foreign market, from end to Mr. Calhoun's influence. Why then which the tariff tends to exclude them. Is it do they not throw their weight into the surprising, then, that the south should raise her scale, and advocate such an adjustment? Mr. voice against such a system? We have insert. Calhoun and his friends will interpose no bar'ed the political aspect of this letter for the rier. They will be found in favor of any and purpose of drawing the attention of our readers all propositions for a reasonable adjustment, and to a few striking facts. The writer says that it follows, that they do not comprehend his pothe south will complain of the Secretary's pro-litical interest, or else that an adjustment will inposition, because, "if the question can be set-terpose no obstacle to him, and his enemies must tied in reasonable manner, nullification will admit that he is more solicitous to obtain for the be dead and buried." south a reasonable exemption from onerous and The reader must see that the writer recom- unjust taxation, than he is to obtain for himself mends the Secretary's report, because, he political advancenient.

I says, it takes off two millions of TAXES. So That his political opponents well know that far as it goes to reduce the TAXES, the nulli- the tariff interposes the chief obstacle to his fiers approve of it; but they object to the political preferment, is apparent, from the fact "scheme" because it proposes to fix a perma- that whilst he and his friends are laboring to nent tax of six millions per annum upon the procure a "reasonable" adjustment, the politi people more than is necessary for the expen-cians who are opposed to him, refuse their coses of Government-because, if the reduction operation. I hus this New York republican, of the taxes one half will save to the people of who admits that the tariff imposes a United New York two millions of dollars per annum, States tax upon that State, greater than the the further reduction of one half of the other whole amount of all the agricultural products half would save one million more, and nullifi-sold by it to New England, is unwilling to recation will be opposed to these taxes because duce the duties down to the revenue point, and they are oppressive, and uncalled for by the thus take off one half more of the taxes than public interests. is proposed to be aboli-hed by Mr. McLane's

But this letter shows another striking fact. scheme! and why is this? He admits that the It is the intention of the partisans of this admi-ariff levies a tax far beyond any benefit denistration to assert that null fication is a mea-rived from it to the agricultural interest of the sure advocated by Mr. Calhoun and his friends State. He insists that the scheme proposes a as a means of political advancement; and that saving to the State of two millions of dollars, they will oppose the Secretary's “ scheme” be- in United States tax, and we might add, of six cause it proposes to adjust the question of the millions more, by the increased price paid for tariff in a reasonable manner!" Inuendo, domestic manufactures. Yet he is opp sed to if the tariff be adjusted, nullification must a further reduction! and why is this? Is there cease, and, if nullification were dead and bu- no reason for it? ried, John C. Calhoun's political prospects would be likewise.

Let us look at the history of Mr. McLane's scheme. His able and patriotic predecessor, This brings us back to the question of whe. Mr. Ingham, had he not been removed, would ther Mr. McLane's scheme proposes to adjust have presented, at the commencement of the this question "in a reasonable manner." We session, a scheme for the satisfactory adjustment object to it not only on account of the new and of the tariff. It is a question depending much dangerous infraction of the constitution which upon details which are to be derived only it propos s; but, also, because it does not con- through that department. Mr. McLane said to template a sufficient reduction of the taxes a member of Congress at the commencement This is a matter of figures; of plain arithmetic. of the session, that he could, or that he would, It is ascertained that eleven millions is fully sufficient for all the economical wants of the Government, yet Mr. McLane's schemes wil

if requested, report a bill that would be satisfactory to all parties. Why did he not do so? Instead of this, he has waited until five months

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