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MR. PATTON AND HIS RESOLUTION. The Richmond Whig says: “speaking the other day of Mr. Patton's resolution to prohibit the publication of the proceedings in Houston's case, pending the trial, we observed that we were less surprised at his resolution than at the zeal he had manifested throughout the affair. We added, that the “paper he alluded to was the Telegraph—the publication, that to which he had reference on joriday, as farther illustrating the attempted fraud in the case of the emigrating Indians.” Mr. Patton declared he had been informed by one of the parties implicated, that the publica. tion was grossly false in its essential particulars! - Did Mr. P. expect one g the parties implicated to confess it to be true “We understand that Mr. Patton was misreported in the paper (the Telegraph) from which we extracted the report of his observa. tions; that he did not say he had been informed by one of the parties implicated; that with none of those parties had he acquaintance or intercourse; and that he had reference to information derived from others. “We make this explanation with much pleasure, there being few, (out of the circle of his personal friends,) better disposed to wish Mr. Fatton success in his path through life than ourselves. We confess that, entertaining high respect for his abilities and his independence, we were somewhat surpri ed to see the apparently partisan nature of his exertions at the outset of Houston's affair; a sentiment, we believe, pretly generally diffused throughout this part of the community.”
We note this article of the Whig for the pur pose of correcting the correction. Mr. Patton was not mis-reported in the Telegraph ; and it will be found, upon examination, that the explanation will place him in no better position than tie report. If Mr. Patton did not derive his information foom one of the parties, from whom did he derive it"? If he did not derive it from the parties direct, he must have delived it through second or third persons, or through the publications of the accused : and it matters not whether Mr. Patton had any acquaintance or intercourse with the parties i he became the sponsor for the accused, by vouching for his innocence. To say that he did not derive his information from the accused, is but showing the zeal in which he entered upon his defence; why did he do so Certainly not as the partisa, of Houston, but because tie knew that such a course would be acceptable to those who wield the patronage of the Government. What evi. dence h is Mr. Patton, or any one adduced, to prove the innocence of Houston 2 None bus the denial of Houston, whose statement, taken at large wit’s ficts which are either admitted or incontroveruble, is conclusive, to show that a fraudulent contract was intended. If Mr. Paton believes that the parties are innocent, he owes it to himself and to the Administration to call for an investigation ; in which case M.
will sustain the truth of the charge, which Mr. Patton has volunteered to pronounce a calumny, without having in his possession any evidence to sustain his statement. We aver that the statement in the Telegraph is not a calumny. Mr. Pattou says it is. We speak of facts which we know to be true. Mr. Patton speaks of matters of which he does not pretend to have any personal knowledge whatever. We repeat, let an investigation be asked-let the truth be examined into ; until this be done, it will not do for Mr. Patton, or any one else to say, that no fraud was intended. The facts wili speak for themselves; and the public can be at no loss for a proper interpretation of them, or of the cause of Mr. Patton's zeal. --The Globe, of the 3d instant, has an article headed “Specific Appropriations” in relation to an outfit of a Minister to France, which was struck out of the appropriation by the vote of the Senate, that deserves some remarks. Like every thing which comes from that quarter, it is calculated to deceive. According to the official, the question was simply one of specific or contingent appropriation; and, in this view, it expresses amazement that the friends of Mr. Calhoun, who, as it truly says, have been the sticklers for specific appropriations, should be found in favor of striking out the outfit. The Globe must know that it presens a false issue. The question of specific and contingent appropriations was only drawn incidentally into the discussion; the real issue was as to the power of the President in filling vacancies, where, in point of fact, they did not occur in the recess of Congress as provided for in the constitution. The debate will soon be published at large, and we, therefore, will no dwell upon this point. But it is proper to re. mark, that this is no new question—it is one long standing on which different views ha" been taken from the very commencement 0 the Government, as was truly said by Mr.Tale: well in the debate. Mr. Adams was among the strenuous asserters of the rights of the Pro sident to make appointments of Ministers in th: recess, and in the discussion of the celebrat Panama mission, this formed a prominent poin: between him and the supporters of Gene Jackson. It seems from the debate in the House, where he took the lead on the side of the administration, that Mr. Adams still adhero to the opinion which he then advanced. He nas,for iis efforts on that occasion, been lauded by the Globe and the devoted organs of power, though he had the candor to tell the House, that it was not he but the administration who lud changed, whilch he illustrated by the striking sie mile of the turn-stile. ...What a remarkable spectacle does this exhibit! But three short years have passed away s:nce General Jackson came into power, but shurt as this period is, all of the principles and professions which brought him into office, have Qeen so completely deserted, that the very individual who was turned out, in order to make
Stanjery is pledged to adduce the proof that
room for him, and whose principles reinain un
changed, is now his leading advocate on one of the questions which constituted a prominent point, as we have said, on which his elevation to power, against Mr. Adams, turned ' ' Well might Mr. Adams compare the case to a turnstile, which General Jackson had turned in putting him out, but which he turned back to the same position in coming in himself. Can any lover of his country look on this speciacle without despair? What can be better calculated to destroy all confidence in public men, and to corrupt the public morals than hat the people shall believe that political profestions mean nothing, and that political struggles are but mere selfish contests between the ins and the outs; in which there is neither truth nor sincerity, on either side, on the part of those engaged? It will be impossible that our institu. tions can long endure when this is the case. We fear that it has come to this already, and that General Jackson, by abandoning all of the principles and professions which brought him into power, has given our liberty a fatal stab.
It was said of the war of the revolution, that it was a time to try mens' souls. The same may
more attached to their own advancement than to the interests of their constituents, or to the happiness and liberty of the country. Now is the time that every citizen should read the debates, and attend to the journals.
We insert to-day another letter from Judge Brackenridge. No man has had better opportunities to study the real character of General Jackson, and the reputation of the writer for truth and purity of character, will give additional force to the picture which he exhibits. The writer truly remarks that General Jackson “will yet live to read the sentence which the truth and justice of history will be called to pronounce upon him;” and he is blind to coming events who does not see that most pitiable will be his condition if he be re-elected the President of these United States. When in the decline of his power he shall be deserted by those sycophants, at whose promptings he has forfeited the confidence and affection of the wise and virtuous—of those who would have veiled his infirmities for the sake of his country. Judge Brackenridge feels called upon to assume the responsibility of putting history right
be said of the present crisis--which we do solemnly believe involvesprinciples as important as those asserted in that great struggle, and in its resuls not less pregnant of good and evil; whether we regard our own destiny, or that of the human race. It has been long approaching, and we thoroughly believe that it involves in its consequences the union and the liberty of these States. As it may be decided, the Government will be one of confederated States, with efficient checks on their part, to arrest the encroachment of the General Government; or a consolidated Government, controlled by the despisic and unrestricted will of a majority That the latter cannot exist without leading to anarchy, and, finally, to an entire change of the system, has been universally admitted by ali sound statesmen, of all parties, from the commencement of our Government. Such a termination would end not only in the loss of our libery, but to arrest, if not to overthrow, th cause of freedom avery where. Such a crisis, we repeal, affords an opportunity of knowing the real character of public men--to distinguish between the subservient instruments of power who look to the Presidential contest, and with it to Power, patronage, and office, more than to the liberty of the country. The south will, in an especial manner, have from this crisis a certain criterion of judging of the filelity of their public servants. Lit them look and mark, if there be any who are heard only when questions arise which affect the Exe. "live of the adminis ration—who are all alive to montain the power and patronage of the Governmont, and to defend, “ight or wrong”—those who have the disposition of them; but who, up* all other questions, which involve the liber. Wall the sate of the country--the tariff—the Poon--and the like, are silent, be they *r so important. Such may be put down as "on more devoted to power than to liberty-
in some important particulars, and as he writes under his preper signature we cannot refuse him the use of our columns.
THE ALBANY ARGUS AND THE TARIFF.
We insert below a letter which we find in the Albany Argus, of the 4th instant, which the editor says is written by an able member of Congress from that State, and a sound republican. We concur with the Algus in saying, that ‘‘ the facts are entitled to consideration.” The writer assumes that the present duty imposes a TAX of two dollars per capita on the people of the United Stats, and that the report of the Secretary proposes to abolish one half. He says that the people of the State of New York now pay in U.ited States TAXES four millions of dollars; and that a repeal of one half of these taxes would save to them more money than the price of the whole amount of “wool, flour, and every thing else which New England now buys from New Vork.” The letter also says that the agriculturists will be indemnified for the reduction on the raw material, by the saving in the price of the articles which they buy and consume “to the amount of many millions.” It is said, that the proportion of domestic, as compared with foreign manufactures, consumed in the United States, is as three to one. If, then, the data presented by this republican member of Congress be correct, and the people of the State of Now York now pay two millions of dollars in United States taxes, they are, a the same time, paying three times that sum more on account of the increased price of the domestic articles which they consume, swelling the tar levied by the tariff upon the people of that |State to the enormous sum of six millions more,
or, in the whole, to eight millions of dollars, and yet we are told that the whole amount of agricultural products sold to the New Eng. land States does not equal two millions of dollars!! we would ask if such a system, thus describ. ed by its own friends, is to be rivetted on the American people? Who does not see that, if it operates so unjustly and oppressively on the people of New York, its operation is much more oppressive on the south—on the plantation States. In New York, the high duty on wool acts as a prohibition, and many of her farmers are wool growers; and the manufactu. rers consume all that is raised, while there i no protection on the great staples of the south —on her cotton, tobacco, and rice,—for the New England States cannot consume them; they are raised for a foreign market, from which the tariff tends to exclude them, Is it surprising, then, that the south should raise her voice against such a system o' We have insert. 'ed the political aspect of this letter for the purpose of drawing the attention of our readers to a few striking facts. The writer says that the south will complain of the Secretary’s proposition, because, “if the question can be settied in a reasonable manner, nullification will be dead and buried.” The reader must see that the writer recommends the Secretary’s report, because, he says, it takes off two millions of TAXES. So far as it goes to reduce the TAXES, the nullifiers approve of it; but they object to the “scheme” because it proposes to fix a permanent tax of six millions per annum upon the people more than is necessary for the expenses of Government—because, if the reduction of the taxes one half will save to the people of New York two millions of dollars per annum, the further reduction of one half of the other half would save one million more, and nullification will be opposed to these taxes because they are oppressive, and uncalled for by the public interests. But this letter shows another striking fact. It is the intention of the partisans of this administration to assert that null fication is a measure advocated by Mr. Calboun and his friends as a means of political advancement; and that they will oppose the Secretary’s “ scheme” because it proposes to adjust the question of the tariff “in a reasonable manner!” Inuendo, if the tariff be adjusted, nullification must cease, and, if nullification were dead and buried, John C. Calhoun’s political prospects would be likewise. This brings us back to the question of whe. ther Mr. McLane's scheme proposes to adjust this question “in a reasonable manner.” We object to it not only on account of the new and dangerous infraction of the constitution which it proposes; but, also, because it does not contemplate a sufficient reduction of the taxes This is a matter of figures; of plain arithmetic. It is ascertained that eleven millions is fully sufficient for all the economical wants of the Government, yet Mr. McLane's schemes will
produce a revenue of eight millions at least, and proposes to make that permanent! The letter writer suggests that Mr. Calhoun and his friends will oppose Mr. McLane's scheme, because it will put an end to nullification, by a reasonable adjustment of the tariff. We have shown that the scheme does not propose such an adjustment, and to us it is obvious that the reason why it does not, is that the administration do not wish to see the tariff adjusted on terms which will be, or ought to be, satisfactory to the south. Its partisans pretend that such an adjustment would kill nullification, and bury Mr. Calhoun's political prospects. No one can doubt the anxiety of the administration to accomplish this. Nor, that they would devote themselves to that object, if they believed that an adjustment of the tariff would put an end to Mr. Calhoun's influence. Why then do they not throw their weight into the scale, and advocate such an adjustment? Mr. Calhoun and his friends will interpose no barrier. They will be found in favor of any and all propositions for a reasonable adjustment, and it follows, that they do not comprehend his political interest, or else that an adjustment willinterpose no obstacle to him, and his enemies must admit that he is more solicitous to obtain for the south a reasonable exemption from onerous and unjust taxation, than he is to obtain for himself political advancement. That his political opponents well know that the tariff interposes the chief obstacle to his political preferment, is apparent, from the fact that whilst he and his friends are laboring to procure a “reasonable” adjustment, the politicians who are opposed to him, refuse their cooperation. I bus this New York republican, who admits that the taiff imposes a United States tax upon that State, greater than the whole amount of all the agricultural products sold by it to New England, is unwilling to re. duce the duties down to the revenue point, and thus take off one half more of the taxes than is proposed to be aboli-hed by Mr. McLane's scheme! and why is this? He admits that the lariff levies a tax far beyond any benefit derived from it to the agricultural interest of the State. He insists that the scheme proposes a saving to the State of two millions of dollars, in United States tax, and we might add, of six millions more, by the increased price paid for domestic manufactures. Yet he is opp wed to a further reductious and why is this? Is there no reason for it? Let us look at the history of Mr. McLane's scheme. His able and patriotic predecessor, Mr. Ingham, had he not been removed, would have presented, at the commencement of the session, a scheme for the satisfactory adjustment of the tariff. It is a question depending much upon details which are to be derived only through that department. Mr. McLane said to a member of Congress at the commencement of the session, that he could, or that he would, if requested, report a bill that would be satis. factory to all parties. Why did he not do so? instead of this, he has waited until five months of 'the session have passed away, and, in the mean time, Mr. Clay had introduced his resolution, which drew from the opponents of the system, an able and interesting debate. Af. ter both parties, the advocates and the opponents of he system had developed their views, and not until then, the Secretary, came in with his project, which his partisans assert is more favorable to the manufacring interests, and at the same time more acceptable to the south than Mr. Clay's. But he is blind who does not see that the Secretary, finding Mr. Clay committed in behalf of the manufacturing interest, has entered into a “judicious” competition with him for that interest, looking entirely to the political relation of parties; whilst he openly disregards the fundamental principles which he himself assumes. His partisans well know that the south will not acquiesce in his scheme, and they afford at the same time the strongest proof of his political trimming, of the injustice and inequality of his proposed compromise, and of Mr. Calhoun's disinterested devotion to his country, by assuming that he will be opposed to the scheme. It is obvious that the tarff af. fols the greatest barrier to Mr. Calhoun's poItical preferment; because, living in the weaker section, he becomes identified with the miority, and it is manifest that so long as that is the controlling question, he cannot advance. Were he more solicitous for his own promotion, than to secure a fair and just equalization of the Polic burdens, he would follow the example of Mr. McLane, and throw himself on the ongest interest. Having so strong an inducement to do so, the anticipation, on the part of his political opponents, that he will not, is ** a proof of the consciousness, on their P", that it is wrong for him so to do, and that he has too much public virtue to purchase pre ferment by that wrong. While it also argues that they are fully senible of the injustice done **tion, and persevere in that injustice, be**; know that it gives them the surest mo of preventing his levation.
We ask for these suggustions, a careful examination.
“Washington City, April 30.
“Dear Sir: The report and bill of the Se‘retary of the Treasury are now printing by order of the House of Representatives. I have not examined it in detail, and can therefore on. ly speak of its general features. "Our present population may be stated in round numbers at 12,500,000. Our present *: paid on imports $25,000,000, or two dolor every man, woman, and child a year. New York has about 2,000,000, and pays at * **,000,000 in taxes each year to the Uni. *States, besides all State, county, city,town, had, and other taxes. “The Secretary of the Treasury proposes to *duce the taxes on the part of the United ***, one half, that is, from $25,000,000 to %500,000. To New York alone this will b ****śin United States taxes of $2,000,000,or ",000 to the citizens of each of the forty
congressional districts into which it is proposed to divide the State. The saving in the tax of each city, county, town, or village may be easily ascertained, as it will be one dollar for each soul; that is, about $40,000 to each of the New York counties, and at $50,000 to the city of Albany. The saving therefore of the Secretary's scheme is palpable, obvious, and very beneficial to the people. “The second point secured by this scheme, as I understand, is, of the $12,000,000 duties to be collected, to place on the protected articles so high a rate of duty as to preserve all exist. ing es' ablishments and interests. In this part of his duty, as the Secretary is a tariff man, he adops the course of securing to the manufacturer a cheap raw material. If the manufacturers succeed, the growers of raw materials are indemnified in several ways: 1st, they, without the expense of foreign transportation, can sell their raw material here to our manufacturers as high as foreigners can sell them after the expense and risque of sending them long voyages by sea. 2d, our agriculturalist will furnish all articles for the consumption of our manufac. turers, as bread, meat, &c. 3d, our agriculturalists will be saved in the price of the articles they buy and consume, to the amount of many millions of dollars. The reduction of the general taxes $12,500,000, will operate to the advantage of every consumer. The anti-tariff men will object to the Secretary’s plan of making the duty on raw materials lighter than on manufactured articles; but the real friends of protection will admit that the Secretary has avoided the anti-tariff provisions which they have often alleged were forced into the act of 1828, by the votes of the anti-tariff men. “Afer securing in this way all existing es. tablishments and interests, the Secretary, on other articles, endeavors to place the duty for revenue principally on the luxuries consumed by the rich, and lighter on necessaries consumed by the poor; and he has made a long list of articles consumed by all, free from taxation. “On these principles, the Secretary has endeavored to adjust the revenue. The reduction will take place afer the public debt is paid. If we should complain that too much is proposed to be taken off on some and too little on other articles, it should be borne in mind, that either these taxes must be reduced and the people saved $12,500,000, or the people must continue to pay these taxes; and the money levied in New York, must be taken to make for others the rail-roads, canals, roads and bridges which the people of New York have made for themselves. The New England and other monopolists, will complain, because now if they pay us 6 or even 10 cents more for a pound of wool, they sell us the cloth made from this wool 50 or 100 cents dearer than they can after the taxes are reduced. All the wool, flour, and every thing else, New England buys of New York, will not come to more than the $2,000,000 extra taxes now proposed to be saved to that State. The nullifiers too will complain, because if this question cau once be
settled in a reasonable manner, nullification, disunion, and rebellion will be dead and buried. “Protection does not arise from the amount of the duty, but upon a comparison; for our surplus produtcs, over and above what we can consume in the United States, amount each year to about $60,000,000. This we must send abroad and sell; and the payment must come home in money and goods—and forever will come home. If everything brought back as pay is taxed alike, it will come in those articles whereof the consumption is greatest; but if some things brou : at back as pay, are taxed higher, and others lower, it is natural that the imports which are the pay for our exports, should come back as far as possible in the articles not taxed or taxed lowest. While it is expected that the duty will be reduced, the imports will be as small as possible; for no man will import goods when the duty is high, if he knows that next month, or next year, the duty will be reduced. Great imports therefore cannot be expected this year, as Congress will probably pass a law reducing the duties for the next year.”
I have waited for some weeks, in order to see what defence or justification would be made by General Jackson or his friends, in relation to the very serious charges I have brought against him. I have stated facts, which stand undenied, and which must not only affect his public but his private character. He has been silent, and it is of no importance to inquire whether it is the silence of guilt or of affected dignity. He is as responsible at the bar of public opinion, for injuries proper to be there redressed, as he is to the municipal laws for the infringement of the rights of the citizen. I charge him with having acted towards me in a faithless and dishonorable manner, as well as with having been guilty of a gross abuse of the high trust reposed in him, to be exercised not for the gratification of his pas. sions, but for the good of the people. When I picked up the small pebble from the brook, and prepared for the fearful encounter, I own it appeared almost hopeless, but I did it in justice to my country. The delirious en: thusiasm has passed away, and the voice of truth and justice may be heard. . Instead of being regarded as a second Washington, Me has been nailed to the counter—A second Washington! as if such a thing were possible!
As well might we compare
A taper's glimmer to the sun's broad glare,
A pigmy ninepin to a pyramid.
The second Washington may be re-elected, from peculiar circumstances, by the vote of the south, at the very moment when it entertains for him the most profound contempt; but he will, yet live to read the sentence which the truth and justice of history will be called to pronounce upon hi
When I say that no attempt has been made to wipe away this stain from the reputation of Andrew Jackson, I am not unacquainted with the attempt to assail me by general abuse, under an anonymous signature in the palace chro. nicle. I have come before the public with a responsible name—U accuse a responsible person—and will not be diverted from my purpose by an irresponsible champion. If my antagonist solicits the privilege of a championin this arena, I am not so ungenerous as to deny it to him, but that champion must not enter the lists with his beaver down—I must know who he is, lest I might find myself engaged with one with whom any kind of contact is disgrace, be it in peace or war. My object, in the present communication, is not to notice the falsehoods of the anonymous writer, or to defend a character which, from my youth upwards, in purity, may at least com: pare with that of General Jackson; nor to add proofs in support of specific charges against him, which have not been denied, but to win. dicate myself from what I regard as a most it: rious imputation—that of having supported, aid. ed, or countenanced the election of such a man lo be the Chief Magistrate of this peaceful, enligh! ened, and virtuous people. With the perfect knowledge which my opportunities enabled me to possess, of his narrow, illiterate mindhis want of all moral control over his violent, arbitrary, and tyrannical temper, it would have been inexcusable in me, as an honest man, to have contributed to bring such a misfortune on my country. I defy any one to produce a sin. gle line ever written by me recommending him to the Chief Magistracy, knowing him, * I did, to be unfit for a magistracy of any kind. Can any one suppose that, if I had been a zea: lous co-operator in his elevation, or an indiscri" minate eulogist of every thing done since, by himself, or in his name, or was faithful to hio, however false to my country, that he would have seized the first opportunity to renovo mo from office? No; all who have marked his course, must say that this is impossible. Ho never could have considered me his political, or rather personal partisan, and on no occasion have I ever spoken or written to him disre: spectfully of Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams, or of other" who have incurred his ferocious displeasure. He thought there were others better suited." his purposes, while, from my yielding and peaceful habits, he could tread upon me with" out danger. The impression that I was an advocate for the General's election, has been produced by my publication on the subject of the Ordinance” of Florida, which were never perfectly undo' stood. It was intimated to me by a friend, that the General, on his electioneering visit to New Orleans, complained of my indifferenço and spoke with some chagrin of my not do fending him from attacks in relation to the ot" dinances, and the affair of Callava, and particularly as to the former, which were drawn up by me. I did not hesitate, on this intimation, to make the publication which I have said ope"