leather boots and shoes, and domestic ribbons, nated in the establishment of a government and home-made baskets, from the formidable competent to the REGULATION of our commercompetition of the Kickapoos and Assana-cial interests and the VINDICATION of our commercial rights. As these were the first objects

boins.

No, Sir, such madness never entered the of the people in the steps taken for establishing heads of our ancestors. The meaning of this the present government, they were universally clause was just as well understood by the fra- expected to be among the first fruits of its opemers of the constitution, as we understand the ration. In this expectation, the public were letters of the alphabet. To levy duties, was one disappointed."

power; to regulate commerce, was another. Sir, this extract establishes my reading of the The regulation of foreign commerce, in their Constitution. It shows what was meant by the understanding, signified the acquisition of bene- phrase, regulate. It shows that to control the ficial markets abroad for our domestic produc-influence of unfavorable regulations, in some tions; to be effected by discriminating duties, countries, and to conciliate an extension of fafounded in a principle of reciprocity; and vorable ones, in others, was the object, and diswhich should measure back to every nation the criminating duties the means, of accomplishing same degree of favor, or disfavor to its com- this double purpose; for the resolutions of Mr. merce, which itself measured out to ours. This Madison turned exclusively upon discriminawas the sense of the phrase, when the convention—upon the establishment of a higher rate tion proposed, and the States ratified, this grant of duties upon imports from Great Britain, of power to the Federal Government. How do (who then, as now, heavily dutied our exports,) I know that? I know it from the most authen-than upon imports from France, who received tic sources; from the venerable records of our them on favorable terms. His resolution went, early history; and the concurrent authority of if I may so express myself, to the establishment all the fathers of the Constitution. I know it of two tariffs; one for friends, the other for 1. from the history of the proceedings in the foes; with an offer to all nations to take their Congress of the confederation, which led to choice; with a wish that all should choose the adoption of the Constitution. 2. From the de- better; and with the alternative of paying the bates in the Federal Convention. 3. From the penalty, if they chose the worse; and incurred debates in the State Conventions which ratified the heavier duties. The sole object of this the Constitution. 4. From the eleventh num-discrimination, and by consequence, the sole ber of the Federalist, written by General HAMIL object of the clause to regulate foreign comTON. 5. From the letter of President WASH-merce, was to obtain better markets abroad for INGTON, in October, '89, to Mr. Gouverneur our exports. He tells you-no, he tells those Morris, then our informal Minister in London. who framed the Constitution, and who ratified 6. From the report of Mr. JEFFERSON, in the it-that, BUT FOR THIS OBJECT, THE CONSTIyear 1793, on the commerce and navigation of TUTION WOULD NEVER HAVE BEEN ADOPTED! the United States. 7. From Mr. MADISON'S He declares that these fruits, namely, the acresolutions for the regulation of foreign com-quisition of better markets abroad, were exmerce in the year '94. 8. From his (Mr. Ma-pected to have been the first effects of the new dison's) speeches in support of those resolu-government; and expresses his own astonishtions. 9. From the speeches of all the mem-ment, and proclaims the disappointment of the bers who took part in the extended debate to people, that four years had elapsed, and these which those resolutions gave rise. Such are fruits had not been gathered. This was in Jathe sources-a part only of the sources-from nuary, 1794, and had no law for laying duties which I draw proofs to sustain my reading of on foreign merchandise, then been passed? the Constitution. I do not produce all these Yes, certainly! the fundamental act of July, proofs to the Senate: They are at hand, but 1789, establishing the whole custom-house systime forbids the production. A few only will Item: also, the act of 1792, which repealed that use, and begin with some extracts from Mr. Ma of 1789, and established the whole system over dison's speeches in favor of his famous resolu- again; and, besides these two general acts, tions. Hear him! fourteen subdiary ones for the collection of du "This subject, as has been remarked on a ties, had been passed. These acts did both the former occasion, was not a novel one. It was things which are contended for under the newcoeval with our political birth; and has, at all fangled interpretation of the regulating clause; times, exercised the thoughts of reflecting citi-1, they levied duties; and 2, they encouraged zens. As early as the year succeeding the domestic manufactures! Yet, Mr. Madison, peace, the effect of the foreign policy which who was himself the leading supporter of these began to be felt in our trade and navigation, acts, declares in the face of those who framed, excited universal attention and inquietude.and who ratified the Constitution, that Congress The first effort thought of, was an application had exercised No POWER under the clause to reof Congress to the States for a grant of power, gulate foreign commerce! a most authentic defor a limited time, to REGULATE our FO claration that the power to levy duties was not a REIGN commerce; with a view to CONTROL the power to regulate foreign trade!-But let us influence of unfavorable regulations in some cases, proceed with the speech: and to CONCILIATE an extension of favorable ones "As to the discrimination proposed between in others From some circumstances, then, in- nations having, or not having, commercial treacident to our situation,, the experiment did not ties with us, the principle was embraced by the take effect. Out of laws of most, if not all the States, whilst the rethis experience grew the measures which termi. gulation of trade was in their hands. It had the

repeated sanction of votes in the House of Re she manifested a readiness to admit a greater presentatives, during the session of the present reciprocity into the commerce between the two government at New York. It has been prac- countries. A bill for the purpose was brought tised by other nations, and in a late instance, into the House of Commons by the present Miagainst the United States. It tends to procure nister, Mr. PITT, and would probably have beneficial treaties from those who refused them, passed into a law, if hopes had not sprung up, by making them the price of enjoying an equa that they should be able to maintain their exlity with other nations in our commerce. It clusive system. Knox, an under Secretary, tends, as a conciliatory preference, to procure appears, from a collection of papers, published better treaties from those who have not refused by him, to have been the chief adviser in the them". cabinet, as Lord Sheffield was the great chamHere, Sir! See the whole operation and na- pion before the public, of this experiment; (to tural effect, of the discriminating policy, is maintain their exclusive system, and dispense beautifully and briefly laid down. The nation with Mr. PITT's bill.) It was founded accordwhich refuses to trade with us upon fair terms ing to both these witnesses, (among other causes,) --which refuses to take our productions at all, on the B LIEF, that the General Government was or loads them with heavy and oppressive duties, so weak that it could not execute a plan of retaincurs the penalty of her own selection. She liatory restrictions; and, that LOCAL INTERESTS incurs a discrimination of duties; and her pro-and PREJUDICES predominated so much among ducts will pay higher in our ports than the pro- the STATES that they would never even agree to ductions of more friendly nations. The preju make the ATTEMPT."

dice which she incurs will be of her own selec- I pause, Mr. President, in this important readtion, not of our infliction. It will continue ing to make a remark. It is upon that eternal while she pleases, and no longer; and while it objection to the attempt of a measure, which is does continue, will rest upon the unimpeacha- founded upon its anticipated unsuccess. It is ble basis of a wise, a just, and a constitutional an insidious objection, tending to produce what reciprocity. A discrimination of five to ten per it professes to apprehend. It is a fugitive obcent. was contemplated by Mr. Madison in the jection, flying from the solid argument, which year '94; that the same amount of discrimina- cannot be met, to the delphic annunciation of tion may be sufficient now. But I do not fix the sinister event, which no man can foretell. the amount. It is a practical question for mer- It is often an objection in favor of a foreign inchants to decide. Whatever may turn the terest, by exciting and stimulating a foreign scale of commerce, in the same article, between Power to counteract our policy. Thus it was different nations, will be sufficient. It will in the period of our history to which Mr. Madi doubtless accomplish now what it would have son alludes. Mr. Pitt had yielded. He had accomplished in '94, it will control the policy actually brought a bill into Parliament to admit of unfriendly nations; it will conciliate prefe- a greater reciprocity into our commercial rela rences; and obtain beneficial treaties from those tions. That bill, says Mr. M., would probably who withhold them. There is nothing in the have passed into a law, but an under Secre. state of our commercial relations with foreign tary, who probably had his under correspon nations to impede the adoption of this policy. dents in America, advised the British Cabinet The common stipulation, to be found in every that the local interests and prejudices of the States treaty, for all the advantages granted to the would never permit them to agree in any plan most friendly Powers; always imply the same of discriminating duties. The bill of Mr. Pitt terms, and the discriminating policy sets out was withdrawn. No law was passed. The with offering the same terms to all, and ends under Secretary was right. He had good intelwith leaving the option to themselves. Be-ligence from America. Forty years have passsides, our treaties are temporary, all requiring ed away, and no discriminating duties have ever frequent renewals, and subject to daily altera- been established. England has not relaxed her tions; and, with the principal commercial restrictive system; on the contrary, she has Power, (Great Britain,) our treaty is nothing drawn its bonds doubly tight. The increase of our but a temporary arrangement, determinable at a tariff duties, tenfold beyond the rate proposed by short notice from either party. There is no- Mr. Madison, has had no effect upon her rething, then, in our political relations to embar-strictive system, except to tighten it. And rass us; still less in the commercial situation of why? Why shou d five or ten per cent. alarm the world: for that is most propitious to our de- her then, and fifty, an hundred, two hundred, sign in the universal tranquility which prevails; have no effect upon her now? Because these and, as for ourselves, we actually have a crisis at home which den ands its adoption.

tariff duties are indiscriminate; they fall upon all nations alike; and she can carry the load as Let us continue the reading of Mr. Madison's easily, and more so, than other nations. Her speech: commerce, though directly is not relatively in"It had been asked, what grounds there were jured by it. She is not put behind any nafor concluding that Great Britain would be led tion by it. She is still upon a level with all by the measure proposed, to change her policy nations. The high tariff policy then has failed; towards the United States. He thought we it has had its trial and not succeeded. Far from had the best ground for relying upon such an succeeding, it has aggravated the evil it proeffect. It is well known that when she appre-fessed to counteract. Then abandon it; return hended that such measures would be taken, to revenue duties, and commence the policy of

discrimination. Tax all imports fairly for reve-commerce! Far from relaxing in her high dunue, and incidental protection for home indus-ties when we add to ours, she follows our extry, and make a discrimination of five or ten ample, and raises hers still higher! thus proper cent, to the prejudice of those who will ducing a real contest for mutual mischief! thus not make fair and friendly treaties with us. My carrying on against each other a war of retaliaword for it-no, not my word-the word of Mr. tion which has no other result but to provoke Madison, the act of Mr. Pitt for it-she will re-new blows! lax. She will grant a discriminating duty of six or seven per cent. which she refuses to the whole power of the high tariff policy.

We will read again:

"The only remaining hope that can induce Great Britain to persevere in the plan of conduct she has adopted towards the United States, lies in the supposed difficulty of reconciling the

and

I proceed to quote a few other names an opinions in favor of the discriminating system They will be such names, and such opinions, as all America shall hear with reverence; and first I quote from President Washington, and take his letter of October, 89, to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, then in England; written from New York, before Mr. Jefferson had been appointed Secretary of State.

DIFFERENT INTERESTS and LOCAL PREJUDICES. The present occasion will decide whether this "The commerce between the two countries hope shall also be withdrawn from her; or whe. ther she is to be inspired with fresh confidence you well understand. You are apprised of the in pursuing her own interests without a due re-feelings of the United States on the present spect, either for our interests, or for our rights. state of it; and you doubtless have heard, thas in the late session of Congress a very respectaHe (Mr. M.) could not but view the present as, ble number of both Houses were inclined to a perhaps, the final chance of combining the opi nions and interests of the several quarters of discrimination of duties unfavorable to Britain; the Union in some proper and adequate plan. and that it would have taken place, but for conIf, at a moment when so many occurrences ciliatory considerations, and the probability that conspire to unite the public councils; when the the late change in our Government and circumpublic mind is well disposed to second all equi. stances would lead to more satisfactory arrangetable and peaceable means of doing justice to ments,

*. This commu

our country, and when our commerce is so cri- nication ought regularly to be made to you by tically important to the vital resources of Great the Secretary of State, but that office not be Britain, it should be found that nothing can being at present filled, my desire of avoiding dedone, he could foresee no circumstances under lays, induces me to make it under my own hand." which success was to be expected. To reject

the propositions, therefore, whilst nothing bet- I read next from Mr. Jefferson-from his reter was substituted, must convey the most un-port in the year 1793, upon the foreign comfayoroble impressions of our national character, merce of the United States.

*

and rivet the fetters on our commerce, as well "Such being the restrictions on the comas prolong other causes which produced such merce and navigation of the United States; the injurious consequences to our country. He question is, in what way they may best be re'would not permit himself to apprehend that moved, modified, or counteracted? As to comsuch would be the end of their deliberations." merce, two methods occur. 1. By friendly arBut such was the end of their deliberations. rangements with the several nations with whom The resolutions of Mr. Madison were rejected! these restrictions exist: or, 2d. By the separate rejected by the slender majority of five votes! act of our own legislatures for countervailing and, history-the inexorable voice of history-their efforts. There can be no doubt but that has set down that majority to the influence of of these two, friendly arrangement is the most unhappy causes-to the germination of political eligible. Would even parties which then began to sprout existence, a single nation begin with the United States, and, soon afterwards, attained as large a growth. this system of free commerce, it would be adThe resolutions were rejected; and the predic- visable to begin it with that_nation; since it is tions of Mr. Madison have been fatally fulfilled. one by one only that it can be extended to all. It was the last chance (at least for forty years) Where the circumstances of either party render for attempting any regulation of commerce. it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of imThe wars of the French revolution ensued, and post on commerce, its freedom might be modiall the decrees and orders of France and Great fied in that particular, by mutual and equivaBritain which grew out of these wars, and which lent measures, preserving it in all others. were so fatal, for so many years, to all commer

But should cial arrangements. Then came our own emany nation, contrary to our wishes, suppose it bargo, and the war with England, out of which may better find its advantage by continuing grew high tariff policy; in the prosecution of its system of prohibitions, duties, and regulawhich, all idea of the constitutional design of tions, it behooves us to protect our citizens, regulating commerce, seems to have been to- their commerce and navigation, by countertally lost. The consequences have been such prohibitions, duties, and regulations, also. Free as Mr. Madison foretold. The restrictive sys-commerce and navigation are not to be given in tem of Great Britain has been pursued and fol- exchange for restrictions and vexations; nor lowed up. She has doubled her restrictions are they likely to produce a relaxation of upon us! she has rivetted her fetters upon our them."

Now for General Hamilton. Hear him. I read from the 11th No. of the Federalist:

porting States have a right, under the constitu tion, to choose their own markets, and ought not to be subjected to the dictation of the manu. facturing States; but as arguments drawn from that instrument have latterly fallen into disre pute or insignificance, I shall make no further reference to it, and proceed to the practical

"Suppose we had a government in America, capable of excluding Great Britain (with whom we have no treaty of commerce) from all our ports: what would be the probable operation of this step upon her politics? Would it not enable us to negotiate, with the fairest pros- view of these two questions. pect of success, for commercial privileges of I consider the first of these questions settled, the most valuable, and entensive kind, in the so far as facts and reason can settle any question dominions of that kingdom? * * *in human affairs. I consider the FACT of the Such a point gained from the British govern- exportation of manufactures, of nearly fifty ment, and which could not be expected with-varieties, and to the value of six millions of out an equivalent in exemptions and immuni- dollars, which now go to foreign countries, and ties in our markets, would not be likely to have contend successfully with the manufactures of a corresponding effect on the conduct of other all nations, WITHOUT ANY PROTECTION AT ALL, nations, who would not be inclined to see them to be conclusive of the question of their overselves altogether supplanted in our trade throw and prostration at home by being reLet Ame-duced to a revenue protection. I will, there ricans concur in erecting one GREAT AME- fore, leave this question where I placed it when RICAN SYSTEM, superior to the control of I read the list of our domestic exports of manuall transatlantic force or influence, and able to factured articles, and proceed to the second DICTATE the TERMS of the CONNEXION one, which involves an inquiry into the truth of between the OLD and the NEW WORLD." the position, that a perseverance in the high Such are the concurrent authorities in favor tariff policy is to create a domestic market, of the constitutional design, and the national superior to the foieign one which may be deexpediency, of establishing discriminating du- stroyed by it.

ties. Has not experience proved the wisdom I propose to examine this latter question of this policy? Certainly it has; and the slight-chiefly in reference to its bearing on the west. est comparison, between our present and for- This great region is now rapidly advancing to mer situation, will confirm what I say. Take, the foremost rank as an exporting section of for example, our relations with England, and this Union. Her domestic exports, for I speak compare the duties of 1790 with those of 1832. of no other, from the port of New Orleans, for The duty on our tobacco, at that time, was one the year 1830, amounted to upwards of thirteen shilling and three pence sterling a pound; it is millions of dollars. The domestic exports of now three shillings. On rice, the duty was New York, only amounted to about the same then seven shillings and four pence the hun sum. The emporium of the west is then even dred weight; it is now fifteen shillings. Flour with the London of America in that truest line and grain were not admitted at that time, until of national wealth, the domestic exports. Comthe price rose to fifty shillings the quarter; pared to other exporting cities, she stands thus: they are not admitted now until the price rises Five millions of dollars ahead of Charleston; to seventy shillings. Beef, pork, and bacon ten milllons ahead of Baltimere; ten ahead of were prohibited then; they are prohibited now. Boston; eleven ahead of Philadelphia! and these Such are the relative restrictions of the two disproportions are to increase in rapid properiods on our leading articles; it is the same gression from this time forth. Such an export in minor ones. The fact is incontestible, that trade, from a country so young, and so thinly the high tariff policy has failed to procure us populated, announces a region of unbounded better markets for our exports; on the contra-production, and of the greatest facility for ry, it has injured and deteriorated these mar-sending her products abroad; and such is the kets; and this being the result of forty years fact. The west, Sir, is capable of becoming the experience, the question comes up for the can- granary, and the provision magazine, of nudid consideration of all reflecting men, wheth- merous nations. The extent of the region, and er discriminating policy-the policy of the its fertility of soil, display its capacity for proconstitution, and the policy of the fathers of|duction; an hundred rivers, draining the area the constitution, ought not now to be attempt-of an immense circumference, bearing their ed? tributes to the king of floods, and furnishing And here, Sir, we meet the question of do above forty thousand miles of inland naviga mestic manufactures, and of the substitution of tion, displays its capacity for foreign trade.a domestic for a foreign trade. We are told This region must produce and can send away, that domestic manufactures will be prostrated, the masses of provisions which myriads, in other and the country covered with desolation, if the climes, can alone consume. The course of all high tariff policy is touched; and, we are fur- her rivers, bearing Sou h, the position of New ther told that a home market will be created, Orleans, always free from the embargo of ice, by persevering in that policy, superior to the and her rapid and regular communication with foreign one which may be lost by it. Sir, it the country above, and the sea below, since the might be an answer to this objection to repeat, application of steam power to the propulsion that the constitution was made to promote for- of vessels, make that city the most favorable eign commerce, not to destroy it; that the ex-on this continent for an export trade. Thirteen

millions of dollars' worth of provisions, cotton, thousand five hundred bushels; and has seland tobacco, now leave that port annually, to dom been less in any preceding year, as the find a foreign market. Seven or eight millions annual reports of the Secretary of the Treasury more, coming from the upper half of the valley, will show. New England, then, can take nofind their market in the Southern States, and on the lower Mississippi, in all about twenty millions; and this, with a young and thin population, which barely sprinkles the earth, and a slight cultivation, which extends to one acre in fifty, and only half cultivates that one.

thing from us in the way of meat or vegetables. But she imports corn and flour; she actually receives corn and flour from the coasts of Virginia and North Carolina! Yes! and did receive them long before the high tariff was thought of, and will continue to receive them Where are, and where are to be, our markets after it ceases to exist. The first that she refor all those productions? We see those mar-ceived, according to my reading, was about kets now, 1. in the southern States; 2. in the the year 1630, when the Plymouth colony sent West Indies; 3. in some portions of South down to the Jamestown colony to buy corn America; and, in the middle countries of and she has been at it ever since. Her high Europe. There we see our markets now. But northern latitude prevents the raising of these we are told of a domestic market, to be created articles at home, and she gets them in her coastby domestic manufactures, and which is to make ing trade to the south. But how much? Not New England the superceder and the succes- the hundredth part of what the lower part of sor of the southern States and of all foreign na- Virginia and Carolina have to spare! They can tions, in the purchase and consumption of supply her amply with corn and flour, to say western produce. This is what we are told! nothing of the neighboring parts of Pennsylvaand a list of cattle driven into Boston, the in-nia and New York, which are themselves navoices of some schooners, carrying corn and tional graneries of wheat. No, Sir, New Engflour into Rhode Island; and an adventure of land can never purchase our provisions. If she wool into the same quarter, which has remain-really took from us all that she could consume, ed withou. imitation or repetition, are gravely it would amount to nothing in the mass of our exhibited to us as the proofs on which we are productions. It would be no more than the to surrender the commerce of the world, and nibblings of the mice, at our barns and cribs, betake ourselves to the commerce of New Eng-which we do not miss, and by no means equal land! Sir, I do not embarrass my argument to the depredations of the Norway rats, which, with the consideration of these petty statistics, in truth, affect us considerably. Boonlick alone disputable in point of fact, and insignificant it would gorge her. ascertained. I look to great data. I view the A third great data is the well known fact, question under large aspects, visible to all that New England takes no tobacco from us; mankind, and decisive in their nature. I look, and the whole heart of the west-(for I am first, to the territorial extent of New England, confining my remarks to the west)-the whole a mere speck upon the map of our America! heart of the west, upon an erea of five hundred Of that speck, only the one half engaged in miles square, comprehending the finest parts of manufactures, the other half engaged in pr-six States, is a tobacco growing region. New ducing provisions. Rhode Island, Connecticut, England takes no part of this article. The and Massachusetts, are the manufacturing part | Netherlands, the Hanse Towns, England, of New England. Their joint areas amount to (to name them in the order of their importance fourteen thousand square miles; just half the in this trade,) France, Spain, the coasts of the extent of South Carolina, which is itself just Mediterranean, and the shores of the Baltic sea, one half the extent of Virginia, which is itself some fortieth part of the southern and foreign market; the whole of which we are required to give up for this magnificent prospect in New England! This is one of my data, from wh ch A fourth great data to prove the necessity of I draw the inference that the manufacturing foreign trade, and the utter futility of the New districts of New England are incapable, for England substitute, is the state of our hard want of extent, to furnish the myriads of peo- money trade. New England will furnish us ple who can consume the products of the west. with no gold and silver; on the contrary, she My next great data is this: That instead of takes it from us, and nothing else, in payment being our customer, New England is our com- for her manufactures. Our acquisitions of petitor, in the provision trade. She exports specie all come from foreign trade. For even great quantities of provisions herself. Her do that portion which comes from the lower Mismestic exports were six millions and a half for sissippi and the Southern Atlantic States, is the last year; of which about one million was first obtained from foreign countries, in exin fish; a considerable part in beef and pork; change for the cotton, the rice, and the tobacco much in vegetables; and much in butter and which is exported. The last ten years have cheese-two articles which I particularly name, furnished the Union with seventy-five millions because their exportation always implies a suf- of hard money, imported from abroad. Not ficiency of cattle at home. New England has less than two hundred and forty millions have advantages in her provision trade, which the been imported since the establishment of the west has not, in the use of foreign salt free of Federal Government. Mexico is our great tax. Her salt, free of tax, for the year 1831, fountain of supply; Great Britain and her de. was one million one hundred and thirty-one pendencies stand second; the Spanish West

are the markets for American tobacco. Foreign markets alone furnish us purchasers for it; and if deprived of that market, we must give up the cultivation of that great staple.