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Indies, third; the South American States, ice bound harbors, and the winter desolation of fourth; France and her dependencies, fifth.— the northeastern cities.

Mexico alone furnishes more than half the The west needs foreign trade. Why else did annual supply! But how? for we send to her our ancestors struggle under the government of dominions less than one million of our domestic the confederation to secure the free navigation productions! Sir, we obtain it by the circuitous of the Mississippi? Why else did the whole operation of trade; by send ng our productions west rejoice at the acquisition of the mouths of to Europe, exchanging them for fine goods, and the Mississippi in 1803 But it is said, that the carrying these goods to Mexico. New England introduction of the high tariff policy, has not cannot supply the place of Mexico and Peru, been injurious to foreign trade. I think other. of Europe and the West Indies, in furnishing wise; but let us avoid an array of opposite opius with hard money. Far from supplying us nions, and contradictory assertions, which dewith that metal-she exacts it from us. She cide nothing, and produce no results, and let gives us nothing but manufactured goods, and us have recourse to the logic of facts which put for these she will take nothing but hard money, an end to all mistakes. Let us examine this or its equivalent; and herein lies one of the point upon evidence, and evidence of that cha great evils of the high tariff system, and its racter that no man may be permitted to dispute hardest operation upon the west, an evil beyond that of the British colonial system; for the colonies could always pay for their goods from Old England in their provisions and raw materials: but the west must send money to New England!

it. I speak of the evidence of the customhouse books, and will take two periods which will exhibit the fairest state of the question. I will take the year 1816, which was the year of the commencement of the high tariff policy; and the year 1830, which was two years after No, Mr. President, I wash my hands of these that system had attained its present maximum Lilliputian statistics. I attach no consequence growth. In the first of these years the ex to the long list that was read to us of sheep and port of domestic productions was $64,781,896; cattle driven into Boston, and the invoices of in the second it was $59,462,029. Here is a corn and flour imported into Rhode Island. I decrease of five millions, when there ought to wash my hands of all the fine prospects which have been an increase of about thirty millions; have been exhibited for the future consumption for our population had increased one third in of the products of the GREAT WEST, in the nut-the same time, and our country was at peace shell of New England. I look at the thing with all the world during the whole period; under other, and larger, phases. I look at it and her foreign commerce should have been as under the aspects which God and nature pre-progressive as her population. The diminution sent, and which man can neither conceal nor of foreign trade, is then in reality, about thirtyalter. 1 look at her under the aspects of terrifive millions; and that in the short space of torial extent-possible population-pursuits of fourteen years. This is a striking view of the industry-and habits of trade; and say that decline of foreign trade under the high tariff the microscopic speck in the northeastern policy; but it is by no means the strongest view corner of our America, CANNOT furnish con-which the case admits. That strongest view sumers for western provisions,cannot furnish will be seen in the dissection, or analysis, of purchasers for western tobacco;-cannot be our export trade for those years; an operation come the go den fountain of supply for the which will show that the decline has fallen, not precious metals. And, I say this, without generally, upon all our exports, but partially reference to the mountains which intervene, and exclusively on the products of the earthand the ice, which forbids communication, the products of the south and west-while the when communication is alone wanted. I pre-exports of the north and east, have actually intermit all mention of these natural obstacles of creased during the same period. earth and climate, because I wish to avoid dis- Here is the analysis. putation, and I know that I should be suddenly In 1816, the domestic exports were: told that the west is to remove, or overcome In the products of agriculture

all these obstacles of nature; her lands are to be

a fund for levelling mountains, and drawing

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of the see
of manufactures

$53,354,000 7,293,000

1,331,000

1,755,000

In 1830, they were:

$46,976,332

of the forest

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4,191,047 1,726,270

out rail-ways, and perforating the earth with
canals! and so drawing off the commerce of the
west from New Orleans to Boston and New In the products of agriculture
York. I leave out these views, because I

⚫ know that after the west may have been de
of the sea
spoiled of its lands for this object, the com-
of manufactures 6,577,380
merce of the GREAT VALLEY Will still follow the Here, Sir, is proof for you! Here is demon
course of nature and flow through the channels|stration! here is the logic of the exact sciences!
which God has created for it. It will still pre-here is the true working of the high tariff poli
fer down hill, to up hill,-down stream, to upcy! and what does it prove to you? It proves
stream-a flowing river to a frozen ditch,—
-a that agriculture in the year 1830 is worth seven
magnificent steamboat, to a narrow cage, millions less than in 1816, instead of being
cheerful city, in a soft, del cious, salubrious worth one third, or seventeen millions more;
climate, (for such is New Orleans in all the that the products of the forest-a kindred pro
business months,)—to the dreary regions, the duct to agriculture-is three millions less in

1830 than in 1816, instead of being three mil-and consist of shoe threads, tailors' threads, lions more; that the products of the sea, in- twines; and flax and tow yarns entering into stead of declining like the others, have actual- other manufactures, as checks, linens, carpeting, ly advanced near half a million; and that the patent floor cloth, boot webbing, and hair seating, products of the manufactories have advanced which cannot be made from the flax GRows is upwards of three-fold; from one million and THIS COUNTRY, of a quality to answer the purthree quarters, to six millions and a half! This poses of the consumers." Now under the old logic of figures puts to flight all the delusive colonial system, these manufacturers would theories which would either deny the fact of a have been obliged to use American flax, and decline in our foreign commerce, or attribute it to have paid Americans for it; but under our to the diminution of money, and consequent high tariff, they buy the flax from abroad; and fall of prices. The produce of the high tariff the high duties upon all the manufactures of States are not affected by those causes. The flax, as threads and twines, checks and linens, produce of the sea, namely, fish, oil, whale- carpetings and floor cloths, boot webbing and bone, and spermaceti, which go from the high hair seating, enables them to sell the manutariff States in the northeast, sell as well as ever. facture sufficiently high to enable them to buy The produce of the manufactories, too numer.the foreign material, and the people are to be ous to be detailed, especially after reading a list deluded with the story that this is a DOMESTIC of them an hour ago, also go from the same manufactory! The quantity of foreign flax State, and are vastly increased. But the pro-imported into the United States in two years duce of agriculture, namely, beef, pork, bacon, after the Tariff of 1828, and remaining in the flour, grain, cotton, rice, tabacco, &c. which country for consumption, was ninety-six thougo from the southern and western States, are sand seven hundred and forty-two dollars' largely sunk in value; the produce of the fo-worth; which, of course, went into our DOMESrest, which goes principally from the same Tic manufactories. It is the same thing with States, and consists of skins and furs; of tar, other articles; for our custom-house books show pitch, rosin, and turpentine: of staves and shin an import of foreign wool, since the tariff of gles, hewn timber, masts, spars, boards, and 1824, to the value of TWO MILLIONS SEVENTYother lumber, has also sunk in value. Sir, TWO THOUSAND ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-FIVE there is no mistake in these figures! no error in DOLLARS; of foreign hemp to the value of THREE these deductions! no room for any disersity of MILLIONS FIVE HUNDRED AND FORTY-ONE THOU➡ opinion!-The high tariff works alike, through- SAND SIX HUNDRED AND FORTY TWO DOLLARS; of out all its departments and in every operation, foreign indigo to the value of FOUR MILLIONS at home and abroad. It is hurtful to the FAR-EIGHT HUNDRED AND THIRTY-FIVE THOUSAND, MER and the PLANTER; it is beneficial to the SEVEN HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SEVEN DOLLARS; Of FISHERMAN and the MANUFACTURER. It sheds foreign raw hides to the value of ELEVEN MILthe whole of its benign influences upon the LIONS ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-TWO THOUnorth and east; it reserves all its baleful effects SAND SEVEN HUNDRED DOLLARS; and of foreign for the south and west! furs to the value of Two MILLIONS, SEVENTY

Several speakers, Mr. President, have read SEVEN THOUSAND, TWO HUNDRED AND THIRTIto us the accounts of British oppressions during FIVE DOLLARS. Making in the whole an imour colonial vassalage. They have shown that portation of foreign materials, in five articles we were allowed to manufacture nothing for alone, to the amount of TWENTY-FIVE MILLIONS ourselves, and were compelled to purchase the or DOLLARS, in the short space of six years, manufactures of the mother country. This was between the years 1824 and 1830. And this certainly a great oppression upon the colonists, is the net amount which remained in the counand deserved their highest resentment; but in try for consumption, after deducting the resome respects the present state of trade be-exportations. This immense sum has been tween the west and the high tariff States, is on paid to foreigners, instead of American citizens; a worse footing for the west than that of the so that, in this respect, our trade with the colonists was with the mother country. In the northeastern manufacturers is on a worse footfirst place, the colonists bought their manu ing than that of the old colonists with Great factures from the mother country at a cheaper Britain. But I trust that this hardship will rate than we buy from the high tariff States, soon be relieved, and that in the modification especially in the essential articles of woollen of the tariff at the present session, the farmers goods. In the next place, the colonists paid and planters of the United States will be adin their own productions; we in money. In the mit:ed into the benefits of the American third place, the colonists furnished the raw system, and secured in the domestic supply of materials to be worked up in England, while the raw materials to our domestic manufac the west furnishes scarcely any raw material for tories. I hope for this much for the farmers; the northeastern manufactures, and many of and for the honor of the system. For nothing them employ foreign materials to the exclusion can be more ABSURD than to erect DOMESTIC of American materials. We have a very manufactures upon FOREIGN materials; nothing striking instance of this in a memorial now upon more CONTRADICTORY than to predicate ISDE our table from a firm of flax manufacturers near PENDENCE for goods upon DEPENDENCE for ma. Philadelphia. It contains this remarkable sen-terials to make them out of; nothing more tence:-"The manufactures your memorialists INIQUITOUs than to give to the manufacturers produce are from FOREIGN FLAX EXCLUSIVELY; the home market of auons, and not give to the

fariners the home market of RAW MATERIALS; TERMS of the CONNEXION, between the old and nothing more INSULTING to the understandings the new world. This it was which was to open of the people, than to call such a ONE-SIDED to us the commerce of all nations, upon reciMONOPOLY, an AMERICAN SYSTEM. procal terms. And this is the system with

We im

The west, then, Mr President, in common which President WASHINGTON directed Gouver with all the agricultural portions of this Union, neur Morris, to warn England in 1789, and the has a deep and direct interest in the preserva-fear of which, Mr. Madison tells us, induced tion and extension of foreign trade. If she Mr. Pitt to bring in his bill into Parliament for looked to her interest alone, if she looked at the relaxation of the British restrictive system the question under the single aspect of selfish above forty years ago. This is the system, the benefit, she would be an advocate for unre- success of which was believed to be infallible stricted commerce with all the world. She forty years ago. Is there the least reason to would continue the cry, upon which she went believe its success would fail now? So far from to war, twenty years ago, for FREE TRADE and it, that success is still more probable now than SAILORS RIGHTS! But the west is not indivi-at that time. Examine its operation: see its dual in her existence; nor egotistical in her po practical effect upon foreign Powers. licy. She is a sectional division of an extended port linens from England, France, and Germaconfederacy; she belongs to a great political ny; each of these Powers take tobacco from system; she is subject to a duplicate form of us; but with heavy duties or restrictions. We government; and these conditions impose upon abolish duties on linens in favor of any Power her, obligations, which neither duty nor patrio- that will take our tobacco on moderate duties; tism permit her to disregard. Her government and we leave a duty of six or eight per cent. on must be supported, and that support requires the linens of those Powers that refuse. The revenue; her independence must be maintain-result must be, that some one will enter into ed; and that independence requires a home our arrangement; and if any one does, the supply of certain articles. Foreign commerce others must, or suffer a decline in a branch of presents the most convenient subject for reve- trade which will be greatly to their own prejunue, for the support of the Federal Govern dice. Another example: We get coffee from ment; and the levy of that revenue may be Cuba, St. Domingo, and Brazil; all these counmade the means of encouraging the production tries take provisions from us: but loaded with of the essential articles which our independ- duties beyond their value in the United States. ence requires to be made at home. Hence, Their coffee trade with us is indispensable. We the necessity of qualifying the unlimited free-are their customer. A free trade in coffee with dom of trade, which our pecuniary interest any of them would compel the others to relax might require; and hence, also, the measure of in their high duties; and relieve our provision that qualification. And this, Mr. President, trade from oppessive burthens in the West Inbrings me back to a point which I mentioned dies. I mention a few articles, and a few Powbefore, and which upon this subject, is the law ers only, by way of example; but the system and the prophets with me: REVENUE, to the which I recommend extends to all Powers withextent of the government wants; PROTEC-out exception, and to all the leading ar icles on TION as an incident to revenue. which we propose to abolish, or greatly reduce

Sir, I do not argue these points over again; our duties. Success seems to be certain: but, nor do I go further into the discussion for RE- if not, what then? Have we lost any thing? GULATING foreign commerce upon the prin. No, Sir; we are where we should be without ciple of RECIPROCITY, and establishing D.S- the attempt. And this is the peculiar recomCRIMINATING DUTIES as a means of co-mendation of the discriminating system, that, ercing, or conciliating, beneficial treaties from while it proposes, and almost makes sure, of foreign nations. I leave all the-e points to their the greatest advantages, it exposes nothing to fate to live or perish, upon what has already risk.

been said. But there was a phrase used by Sir, this proposition for equivalents, obvi General HAMILTON, and read to you some half ates the objection to a repeal of duties on ar hour ago, which I must be excused for bringing ticles of luxury. Under the plan I propose, up again to the notice of the Senate. General the repeal will be purchased, not granted gra HAMILTON spoke of the AMERICAN SYS-tuitously; and the laborer that never uses a TEM; and he is the first individual, so far as my luxury will have the benefit of the repeal of reading extends, that ever pronunced that duty on all articles of that description in the phrase. But, in what sense did he use it? improved markets which it will obtain for his For the destruction of foreign commerce? think produce abroad. you! and the substitution of a delusive home Sir, let no une object to the trial-the ex trade and domestic manufactures? No, Sir! periment-of this system, upon a self made but for the preservation, the extension, the pro prediction that it may not succeed. Sinister motion of foreign trade! to ex it to the high-predictions are a very common, but a very_mis est point of prosperity! and that by a discrimi-erable, substitute for solid argument. They nating duty! This was General HAMILTON'S are insidious objections, often disguised in canidea of an AMERICAN SYSTEM! Ths was dor, founded in hostility. They aid the fothe system, this the policy, which, in the glow.reign power by suggesting to them an a Iverse ing language of that ardent man, was to enable policy, and confirming them in schemes of us, not to cut the connexion, but to DICTATE the counteraction. Such predictions belong to

the enemy, or to those feeble minds to which dish West Indies and the United States; an inevery attempt is an impossibility-who see de- stance which I cite, not for adoption to the exfeat in every undertaking. Let such be con- tent he proposed, but to show the general tent with their own inactivity without throwing feeling in favor of a just reciprocity in trade. cold water upon the ardor of others. Let the Nor do I despair of England. The vast majoritimid stand back. They could do nothing ifty of her people, and a powerful minority in they tried. “Fuint heart never won fair lady." Parliament, have always been in favor of reLet the bold go forward. Let those try who laxation in her corn laws; the reform of the rehave the spirit of victory within them, I pre-presentation, now in progress, is expected to dict auspiciously for my country. I predict effect that reform in legislation; and a circumsuccess, and the most beneficial consequences, stance just occurred in England raises my exfrom a trial of the discriminating system. We pectation of its early success. It is the refusal can abolish sixteen millions of duties; we can of the titular Lord MILTON to accept a peerset one half our commerce free; all Europe age, and go into the House of Lords because wants a share in that free trade; and every he wish s to remain in the House of Commons power in Europe will bid for it, and grant equiv till the corn laws are repealed. alents for it, if not gratuitously abandoned to Mr. President, I hope I have been fortunate them. Why should we abandon such a privi enough to make myself intelligible to the Selege? Why not avail ourselves of all our fair nate. I certainly understand myself, whether advantages? We hold a lever by which we others do or not. I am an enemy to unnecescan lift the commercial system of the world; sary taxation, and mean to vote for reducing we occupy a position which enables us to com- the revenue to the wants of the Government. mand the commerce of all nations, a position I am an enemy to public debt, to its substance which, in the language of General Hamilton, as well as to its shadow-and mean to vote for enables us to dictate the terms of the connex-relief from the BURTHENS as well as relief from ion between America and Europe. Why re- the NAME of our present debt. I am a friend to fuse to work that lever? Why forego the ad domestic industry: and intend to give it a fair vantages of such a position? Why abandon protection under the regular exercise of the forty millions of free trade to the gratuitous en- revenue raising power. I am a friend to a jujoyment of foreign nations? Why not ask for dicious tariff, in contradistinction to an injudiequivalents? Why not ask for a reduction of cious, or a political, or a sectional one; and sixteen millions of duties on our exports of mean to have regard to every public interestgrain and provisions, tobacco, rice, flour, &c. the farmer as well as the manufacturer-the in return for a reduction of sixteen millions consumer as well as the producer-the impor here upon the imports of silks and wines, lin- ter as well as the exporter-in adjusting the fu ens and worsted stuff goods, coffee, &c., which ture scale of the tariff duties. Above all, I am we receive from foreign nations? Why not try a friend to the cultivators of the earth, and the system of the constitution, in a conjuncture mean to labor hard to give them some benefit so favorable?-which may never recur again-from the reduction of the revenue, in lowering when success is now so certain, and the ad the price of LAND! and abolishing the tax on vantages so great? When the attempt exposes SALT. For the rest, I am in favor of action, not nothing to risk, and failure would leave all words. I am for going to work on the tariff things just as they are. I ask for a chance, bill, and ceasing to debate on the tariff resoluand nothing but a chance. I ask it in the tions. I am in favor of dropping both the resoname of the constitution, and the good of the lutions before us, and sending another to the country. If we are defeated, let the defeat committee, directing that committee to bring come from abroad. If the Constitution cannot in the whole tariff in one bill-every item now work-if its theory of regulating trade by dis- subject to duty; that we may take it up for criminating duties, is a fallacy-if the Constitu- decision; begin at the beginning, and go to tion is to fail in the main object for which it the end; altering what we can alter, and showwas formed, and without which it would not ing the result to the people, for their approval have been formed-let it, at least, have a trial or condemnation. This is what I am now for ; first. Let the failure be proved upon experi-and for this purpose, I now conclude my speech, ment, and not acknowledged upon anticipation. and offer you a resolution in amendment, or But it will not fail. Authentic facts enable me substitution for those which are now dependto say it will not. France has actually began ing. the system of discriminating duties with us. I allude to the arrangement upon wines and cottons, which the late treaty contains. Another power which I do not name, for a season which the Senate well understand, is now actually Extract from the last annual message of Precomplaining that we do not begin the system siden JACKSON with her; and that power is one of our best This extract relates to the reduction of customers for tobacco, and the very best cus-revenue, the proper adjustment of the duties tomer we have for rice. The Governor Gene- for the protection of national interests, and the ral of the Swedish West Indies, from a third counteraction of foreign adverse policy. It power, made a visit to this city two years ago shows the Presi ent's sentiments on these to propose the same policy between the Swe-points; and is perfectly consistent with his let

APPENDIX.

No. 1.

ter to Dr. Coleman, his votes in the Senate in 1824, his answer to Gov. RAY, of Indiana, and all his other messages; and leaves no room for charging him with concealment, or double dealing

Spain

Italy and Malta
West Indies (about)
Gibraltar

Sweden and Norway
British American Colonies

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428

29,756

The total amount of exports of tobacco from the United States, of which many small parcels went to nations not mentioned above, was 83,810 hogsheads, worth $5,586,350.

No. 4.

wool, indigo, and furs, since the tariff of 1824, to show that the protections of the American sy tem do not extend to the products of the American farmer.

1826.

1827.

"The confidence with which the extinguish. ment of the public debt may be anticipated, presents an opportunity for carrying into effect more fully the policy in relation to import duties, which has been recommended in my former messages. A modification of the tariff, which shall produce a reduction of our revenue to the wants of the Government, and an adjust-IMPORTATIONS of foreign hides, hemp, ment of the duties on imports with a view to equal justice in relation to all our national interests, and to the counteraction of foreign policy, so far as it may be injurious to those interests, is deemed to be one of the principal objects which demand the consideration of the present Congress. Justice to the interests of the merchant as well as the manufacturer, requires that material reductions in the import duties be prospective: and unless the present Congress shall dispose of the subject, the proposed reductions cannot properly be made to take effect at the period when the necessity for the Hides Hemp revenue arising from present rates shall cease. It is therefore desirable, that arrangements be Wool adopted at your present session, to relieve the Indigo people from unnecessary taxation, after the extinguishment of the public debt. In the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies, it is believed that this object may be effected without injury to any national interest.”

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Hides
Hemp
Wool
Indigo
Furs

Furs

1825. 2,089,187

2,460,854

1,090,317

431,787

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EXTRACTS from the annual Treasury Reports of Messrs. Crawford, Rush, Ingham, and McLane, to show the quantity of foreign Salt, duty free, allowed to the fisheries for the years mentioned.

Years.

1820 *

No. 2. STATEMENT of coin and bullion annually imported into the United States from foreign 1821 countries, for the last ten years, to show the 1822 necessity of foreign commerce for the supply 1823 of the precious metals. 1824

Years. 1821

1822

1823

1824

1825

1826

1827

1828

1829

1830

1831 (to June)

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Bullion. Coin. 1825 $84,890 $7,980,000 These extracts only extend to twelve 411,444 2,958,402 years; but the allowance has been at nearly the 230,771 4,867,125 same rate for about forty years. The whole 331,384 8,053,443 quantity thus allowed, duty free, is near twen519,847 5,630,918 ty-five millions of bushels; the duty being paid 578,281 6,402,685 back by the Government to the amount of four 7,637,476 millions seven hundred and forty-four thousand 6,955,028 dollars. This is one of the most unjust features 947,745 6,455,867 in the salt tax. It is a levy of the tax upon the 1,164,610 6,991,354 south and west, and not upon the northeast. 666,941 5,105,808

513,546

534,713

No. 6.

$5,984,288 $68,938,106 Extracts from London prices, to show the effect of the high tariff in raising the price of clothing in the U. S.

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