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title any person, except as is hereafter mentiontioned, to a pension by virtue of this act, he shall make a declaration, under oath or affirmation, before the district judge of the United States in the district, or before a court of record of the county, State, or Territory, in which he shall reside, setting forth, if he belonged to the army, the company, regiment, and line to which he belonged, together with the time of his entering and leaving the service, and if he belong. ed to the navy, a like declaration, setting forth the name of the vessel in which he was employ. ed, with the time of entering and leaving the service, and shall offer such other evidence as he may be able to produce; and if it shall appear to the satisfaction of the said judge or court, by the said testimony, that the facts set forth in the said declaration are true, a certificate to that effect, together with a certified copy of the testimony under the seal of the court, shall be transmitted to the Secretary of War, and the same shall be taken and deemed to be conclusive evidence of the truth of the facts set forth in the said declaration : Provided always, That no person shall be entitled to a pension by virtue of this act unless the evidence of the applicant's service shall be established by written evidence, or by the testimony of one credible witness, at least in addition to the declaration of the applicant himself, nor where the records of the War Department shall contradict the statement contained in the said declaration. Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That all persons who were placed on the list of revolu. tionary pensions under the act of May eighteen, eighteen hundred and eighteen, and who have been stricken from said list under the provisions of the act of May first, eighteen hundred and twenty, on application to the Secretary of War, and on proof of their identity, shall be restored by the said Secretary to said list, without said persons being required to comply with the ninth section of this act; the payment of all such cases to commence on the fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two.
IN SENATE-MAr 1, 1832.
Mr. Dickrasox, from the Committee on Manufactures, reported the following bill. A BILL further to amend the several acts imposing Duties on Imports. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re. presentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That, from and after the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, the credit on bonds to be given for duties on articles imported into the United States, shall be limited to four calander months ; and that, from and af ter the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four, the duties upon all articles imported into the United States shall be paid on the entry of the same at the custom. houses where they shall be entered. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the said first day of January, one
thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, in calculating the rates of duties, the pound sterling shall be considered and taken as of the value of four dollars and eighty cents. Sec. 3. .dnd be it further enacted, That,from and after the day last aforesaid, all articles, except such as are hereinafter provided for, imported into the United States, now subject to duties at a higher rate than twenty five per centum ad valorem, or if the duties are specific, higher than they would be at twenty-five per centum ad valorem, or if in part ad valorem and in past specific, at a rate higher than they would be at twenty-five per centum ad valorem, there shall be a reduction of ten per centum upon the rates or amounts of such duties, respectively; which reduced rates, or amounts of duties, shall be levied and collected until the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four ; from and after which day there shall be a further reduction of ten per centum on such reduced rates or amounts of duties as aforesaid: Provided, That such du. ties shall, in no case, be lass than twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That all articles imported into the United States, manufactured in whole of sheet, rod, hoop, bolt, or bar iron, or of irón wire ; or of which sheet, rod, hoop, bolt, or bar iron, or iron wire, shall constitute the material of greatest value, shall be rated as sheet, rod, hoop, bolt, or bar iron, or iron wire, as the case may be, and pay a duty accordingly ; except such articles as by law are, or may be, subject to a greater amount of duty : dud provided, That manufactures of such sheet, rod, hoop, bar, or bolt iron, or iron wire, shall, in no case, be less than twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; all parts of anchors and parts of other manufactures of iron, shall be subject to the same rates of duty as such anchors or other manufactures are subject to when complete. All pieces of bar, bolt, rod, or hoop iron, imported as scrap iron, more than six inches in length, shall be rated as bar, bolt, rod, or hoop iron, as the case may be, and pay a duty accordingy. All old iron shall be subject to the same duty as scrap iron; and nothing shall be considered as old iron except ar. ticles manufactured of iron, and so worn or injured by rust as to be of no use, except for the purpose of being remanufactured. All vessels of cast iron, and all casungs of iron, with handles, rings, hoops, or other additions of wrought iron, shall be subject to the same rate of duty as such cast irou vessels or other castings, respectively, are subject to. All iron in pigs, cost iron, and castings of iron, and anchors, and chain cables, shall remain at their present rates of duty; and no iron, or manufactures of iron, shall be admitted at a less duty than twentyfive per centum ad valorem. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That brown sugar shall remain at the present rate of duty : and that all syrups, or other p eparations, liquid or dry, imported into the United States for the purpose of being converted into loaf, lump, or
goods, shall be fifteen per centum ad valorem; duction on the present rate of duty of ten peon linens, bleached and unbleached, fiteen percentum, for one year, and thereafter a further
centum ad valorem ; on all silks from India, per centum ad valorem i and on all other silks
apothecaries' vials and bottles exceeding the capacity of six, and not exceeding the capacity
reduction of ten per centum upon such reduced rate of duty. And all such manufactures,
per centum ad valorem ; and all except as aforesaid, the actual value of which,
at the place from whence imported, shall be more than fifty cents the square yard, and shall
of sixteen ounces each, shall be subject to an it exceed two dollars and fifty cents the square
duty of two dollars and twenty-five cents the groce; all persumery and fancy vials and bottles, not exceeding the capacity of four ounces each, shall be subject to a duty of two dollars and fifty cents the groce; and those exceeding four ounces, and not exceeding sixteen ounces each, shall be subject to a duty of three dellars and twenty five cents the groce. Sec. 7. And be it "further enacted, That all wines from France, which shall hereafter be imported into the United States, or which have been so imported since the second day of Feb. ruary last, shall be subject to the following duties, to wit: red wines to six cents the gollon, in casks; white wines to ten cents the gallon, in casks; and all other sorts twenty-two cents the gallon, in bottles ; until the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three i and from and after that day, to half
yard, shall be deemed to have cost two dollars a d fifty cents the square yard, and be chargeable thereon with the same duty now chargeable upon such manufactures of the value of two dollars and fifty cents the square yard, for and until the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three; from and after which there shall be a reduction of ten per centum upon such rate of duty, for one year, and thereafter to a further reduction of ten per centum on such reduced rate of duty. And all such manufactures, except as aforesaid, the actual value of which, at the place whence im. ported, shall exceed two dollars and fify cents the square yard, shall be subject to a duty of forty five per centum ad valorem until the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three; from and after which," there shall be a reduction on such rate of duty of ten
those rates of duty, respectively. And from per centum, for one year, and thereafter a fur
and after the day last aforesaid, the duties upon all wines, except those of France, shall be reduced to one half their present rates of duty, respectively. "Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the passing of this act, the duty upon unwrought flax shall be five per centum ad valorem; and from and after the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, the duty upon sail duck shall be ten cents the square yard. Sec. 9, .ind be it further enacted, That, from and after the day last aforesaid, the duty ontotton bagging shall be four cents the square yard, whatever may be the weight of it, and whether imported under the denominations of burlaps, Hessians, or any other aame. Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the day last aforesaid, the duty upon unwrought hemp shall be s and from and after the passing of this act, there thall be allowed a drawback on hemp manufac. tured into tarred cordage, of three-fourths of the duty to which imported hemp is liable, whenever such corolage shall be used in the rig. £ing of vessels of the United States; and the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized, from time to time, to prescribe such regulations as may be necessary to carry this provision into effect. Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That, som and after the said first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, upon
ther reduction of ten per centum upon such reduced rate of duty: Provided, That, from and after the said first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, the duties upon all milled or fulled cloths and kerseys, of which wool is the only material, the actual value of which, at the place whence impored, shall not exceed thirty-three and one-third cents the square yard, shall be five per centum ad valorem, and no more. * Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That, from and after the passing of this act, all articles of manufacture imported into the United States, upon which drawbacks or bounties may be allowed by the Government of the country in which such articles shall be manufactured, and from which the same shall be imported, shall be subject to duties over and above those otherwise imposed by law, to the amount of such drawbacks or bounties, respectively; to be ascertained and levied under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall, from time to time, prescribe.
We observed, on the 11th, that Mr. BRAxca of North Carolina, and Mr. Joux S. Bannoun, of Virginia, have resumed their seats in the House of Representatives. Mr. BRANch had recently obtaiaed leave of absente to proceed to his own State; and Mr. Bannoun, as we stated a few days since, was absent during the early part of the week, on account of sickness in his family.
IDEBATE ON THE TARIFF'. IN SENATE-MAnch 2, 1832.
SPEECH OF ASHER ROBBINS, or Raouz Island.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the following resolution submitted by Mr. Clar: Resolved, That the existing duties upon ar. ticles imported from foreign cpuntries, and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties on Wines and Silks, and that they obght to be reduced. Resolved, That the "Committee on Finance report a bill accordingly. The fllowing modification of the resolution, roposed by Mr. Harne, being the question immediately before the Senate: Strike out all after the word “countries,” and insert as follows: “be so reduced that the amount of the public revenue shall be sufficient to defray the expenses of Government, accor. ding to their present scale, after the payment of the public debt; and that, allowing a reasonable time for the gradual reduction of the present high duties on the articles coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, the duties be ultimately equalized, so that the duties on no article shall, as compared with the value of that article, vary, materially, from the general average. Mr. ROBB/NS, of Rhode Island, addressed the Senate as follows: The question before us, as I take it, is one of expediency. Is it expedient to give to the industry of the country the market of the coun try, by means of protecting duties, in preference to leaving that market open to the equal competition of foreign industry without restric. tion? I know it has been urged here, and much insisted on elsewhere, that the expediency is not the only question; that a prior and paramount question is, has Congress the power, the constitutional power, to do this? It is not denied that Congress has claimed and exercised this power, from the commence. ment of the Government to this hour; that it is now in practical operation, and that never, till since 1828, has it been seriously, if at all, questioned, by any party, at any time. There are two or three reflections, which, if duly weighed, I should think would satisfy every reflecting mind that Congress, in exercising this power, has not usurped undelegated power. If the power of taxation ad lihitum in amount, be in Congress, the exercise of that power must be discretionary with Congress; and whether, in any given instance, it shall be exercised, or to what extent it shall be exercised, must always be a question of exped ency, and never can be a question of constitutionairight. Now,
eign nations is expressly given to Congress and given without restriction. Now, a tariff of du
ties on imports is strictly and literally a regulation of commerce with foreign nations, and whether that tariff shall be higher, or lower, or what it shall be, must be a question of expediency, and cannot be a question of constitutional right. Besides, this power, as has been well stated, and ably argued by the honorable gentleman from Tennessee, is essential to national sovereignty; and to deny it to our Government would be, so far, to lay our country prostrate at the feet of every other sovereignty in the world. If all other sovereignties could wield this power against us, (as, undoubtedly, they can, and do.) and we could,mot yield it against them in self defence—but the supposition is intolerable, and I will not carry out the idea, and depict the consequences. For what American, justly proud of his nation, could brook, for a moment, the idea of a crippled and subordinate sovereignty, that could not meet any other, and every other national sovereignty, with power against power, with prerogative agains prerogative, as an equal. National sovereignties, whatever may be the form of the national government, have all the same attributes; otherwise, they would not be equal, and independent sovereignties. God forbid that this Government should ever admit the idea, or act upon the idea, of being an inferior, and, therefore, a degraded sovereignty! If, then, you admit (and who will deny it?) that eur Goverument may exert this power against other governments, to vindicate our equal an just rights, you give up the whole controversy; for then you admit the existence of the power in the Government. The power being admit. ted, its exercise, in all cases, must be regulated by the discretion of Congress. How, then, I ask, can it be contended that, in exercising this power, Congress has usurped undelegated power? If, instead of saying this, you vary your lan. guage, and say, that Congress, in fixing a tariff of duties on imports, with a view to protection, has abused discretionary power, it brings the inquiry precisely to what I stated it to be—an inquiry as to the expediency of the protecting policy. And let it be recollected that the question is not, whether a new policy, and hitherto unknown to the Government, shall now be adopted; but whether a police, coeval with the Government itself, which has now been pursued for forty years and upwards, and with a gradu. ally increasing intensity; which is now in the full tide of experiment; with which interests, almost too vast to be calculated, and hardly to be conceived, have grown up and are interwo. ven, and on which they are dependent—the question now is, whether this policy shall be
the power of taxation is expressly given to Cou
continued, or shall be abandoned? Though this is really the question—though these considerations carry with them an imposing weigh towards settling the question—yet I am no willing to rest it, and leave it to be decided on these considerations: for I am convinced that the policy is the true policy of this * and that, if it had never been adopted, it ough now to be adopted; that we are invited to it by other considerations that are irresistible. With your indulgence I will attempt, as briefly as I can, to lay before you the grounds of that conviction. In a moltifarious and extremely complicated question, as one involving effects immediate and remote, direct and con. sequential of a scheme of national policy, must be, it is difficult to say enough for demonstration, without saying too much for patient attention. I will endeavor, however, to do the one, and to avoid, if possible, doing the other. Permit me to premise a few remarks. We have a great country, possessing great matural resources, yet to be developed; and a people, of all others the best fitted to develop —a nation of freemen, animated with the spirit, and possessing all the energies of freedom; remarkable for their intelligence, their activity, and their enterprise; sagacious, inventive, and fertile in resource; prompt and bold in adventure; atdent and indefatigable in pursuit. They are a hive without drones; all are active, all on the wing, every where, and ransacking every field that promises profit; in a country too where no mortmain, no perpetuities prevent alienation and check circulation; where the actumulations of one generation are broken down in the next by distribution; where every new generation is made up of individuals thrown upon their own resources to make their way in the world for themselves; where there is no Passport to distinction but eminent merit, and where that is an infallible passport; where the fint abilities and the highest virtues connected, whatever may be their birth, vindicate their way to the first places in society—to the highest honors of the nation. Now, what are those natural resources to be developed by this people, so fitted to develop them! They are many, a few only of the more prominent need now be indicated. There **cipital in our domain and its fertility; in its mineral treasures, not yet fully explored, but showing themselves in parts all over our couno, and boundless, in extent; its means of artificial power, by water and by steam, also boundless, and every where diffused; a do. "lain more immense and more valuable than over was possessed before by any other people, a domain that combines the elements of a world within itself, and when it shall be filled up with its happy millions, when all its ficulties shall be unfolded, will rival Europe, will not be less in numbers, and will be far su Perior in condition. If our energies are di. rected by our true policy, the rising generation will not all have passed away before these things come. The infant born to day may live to see that. Add to all this, our physical resource in the labor of our great and growing population,
aided by their peerless mental energies, Labor—here lies the source of all wealth; this is the mine of all mines to work for its production, for its issues are unceasing and inexhaustible. To open and fully to develop this resource is to strike upon the fountain of national wealth —to open the spring-head of, and to realize, the fabled Pactolus, whose copious and unfailing stream was a stream of gold. Nothing, nothing is so omnipotent in producing national wealth as the labor of a nation profitably directed and fully developed. We shall all agree, I suppose, that it would be beneficial to the country to have all her resources fully developed; that the policy which would have this effect is her true policy; that, if it be the only policy that could have this ef. fect, it would be unwise not to adopt it; and that, if the protecting be that very policy, it ought to be continued. What, then, is the natural and necessary operation of the protecting policy?—I mean if it be effectively followed out according to its principle, and to the extent of its principie. Its primary effect is to give to the country, in time, and rapidly too, a body of manufactures equal to the supply of the demand for all the wants of all the country; and beyond, for exportation to other countries, to an indefinite but very great amount. Already, though we are but in the infancy of this policy, our export of manufactures stands next in importance to the export of tobacco, and that is next in importance to cotton: cotton stands first. The export of manufactures, proceeding as they have hitherto proceeded, will soon exceed in value that of tobacco. Perhaps it will not soon” rival in value the export of cotton; but if the policy be not arrested, the day is coming when it will not only rival, but surpass in value the export of cotton, and stand at the head of our export commerce. Let not this idea be thought extravagant. Look at the export commerce of England: vast as that is, nine-tenths of it are made up of their manufactures, acquired by this very policy. Will it be pretended that we could have this body of manufactures without this policy? Pray, reflect for a moment, that, when the late war and double duties secured to the industry of the country the market of the country for the supply of manufactures, they sprung up on all sides, as it were by enchantment. But when the war and double duties terminated, they went dewn at once; and would have gone down for ever, but for the tariff of 1816; illustrating the prodigious effect of complete protection, and the prodigious difference between that and protection that is incomplete, and only judicious, as it is called; and illustrating, too, the necessity of protection to give birth to man. ufactures. In a country without manufactures, what man, in the present state of the world, would embark and hazard his fortune in the undertaking to begin them, against the equal competition of other countries, possessing every advantage over him, and ready, and willing, and interested to crush the attempt? It would be folly to think of it, for it would be inevitable ruin. In what instance, in modern and recent times, I would ask, has any nation ever acquir. ed manufacturing riches without a protecting policy? Why, the thing is impossible: in the nature of things it cannot be. Since 1816 our manufactures have increased, as the subsequent tariffs have increased the degree of protection; and now they are advancing with rapid strides. We have these manufacturing riches, then, by means of this policy; and without it we cannot have them. Now, consider that, by acquiring these manufactures, we have acquired a new and almost boundless field for the profitable employment of capital, made profitable to the owner, by employing the labor of the country, in giving a new value to the products of the country. Why is commerce beneficial to the country, and why is it protected to such an immense expense as it is? It creates nothing; it only exchanges what has been created. It is bene. ficial, because, and only because, it gives profitable employment to capital, and because that employment gives employment to the la bor of the country. Now, whatever the relative profits in capital may be in those two employments, (which must depend on times and circumstances,) it is certain that,in the employ. ment of labor, the capital in manufactures, in proportion to the amount, far outstrips the capital in commerce. Now, can the different fields of business for the profitable employment of capital and labor be too much multiplied in a country, for the od and prosperity of the country? Is it not or the good of the country that all its growing capital should be profitably employed in the business of the country, and should have the means of profitable employment? And is not the acquisition of every such new field, to the extent of that field, a gain to the country? Consider, again, the demand which these manufactures make for the labor of the country; and the effect of that labor in improving the condition of the laboring classes, and in producing and augmenting the national wealth. Are the laboring classes of this nation few in numbers? In numbers, they far exceed all other classes put together. Is it no recommen. dation of this policy that it makes them happy, while they make their country rich? This policy, then, will give us these manu: factures as its primary effect. Now, what will be the effect of this effect—the effect, I mean, of manufactures? In the first place it will be
to create a market for our agriculture; and that
secured to our agriculture by the same policy -a market, the magnitude and effect of which, those who have not reflected upon the subject can llave no adequate idea; a market sufficient for all our agriculture as it now is, and all it may be hereafter, a market not confined to the sea board, and a few ports, but diffused all over our country, wherever there is a water fall, wherever there is a bed of coal, wherever coal may be water borne; a market that, with the facilities of intercommunication which the
country may have, and ought to have, will be brought, as it were, to every man's door. If you doubt the magnitude of this market, do but reflect upon the demand they create upon your agriculture, your crops, your flocks, your mines, and other agricultural treasures, for furnishing the raw material of their fabrics; and then for the supply of the wants of the whole manufacturing population; not stinted in their consumption of the necessaries of life, because not stinted in their means to afford them; and you will doubt no longer. I should hope the honorable gentleman from Georgia would no longer doubt. Wherever manufactures are planted, they change the face of nature and the condition of the whole surrounding country, and by means of the market they create.
Ask the agriculturists within the sphere of those markets to give up, this policy—you might as well ask them to give up their freeholds; you might tear them from the one as easily as the other; and those of us who represent them here, be assured, are for behind them in zeal for its continuance. Why is it, that, as manufactures have multiplied, and extended themselves, this policy has gained friends, and particularly with the agricultural population? It is because they have been made to feel its benefits; it has made proselytes by conferring benefits. They see these manufactures putting every thing in motion around them, evoking and evolving all the dormant energies of place and society; the old and the young, females as well as males, all employed; it is one scene of universal activity. With the dawn of the sun the busy scene begins, nor is the sun more constant in his course, nor more regular in his return to it, than they in and to theirs; contented, animated, and happy, their gains make their labors light, and the whole surrounding country rings with joy. For much of our agriculture it makes the only market it can have; for all that produce, for instance, that must be consumed at or near the place of its growth. For all that which admits of transportation and exportation, this policy, young as it is, has alre dy made this country a greater and better market than all the world beside, except for the articles of tobacco and cotton. For cotton it affords a better market than any other country in the world, except England; it affords a better market than England did fifteen years ago, and in fifteen years hence it will afford a better market than England now does. So late as 1819, our whole export of cotton was but 87,000,000 lbs. The consumption by our manufactures now is 78000,000 lbs. This country, by means of this policy, is rapidly making for itself, and within itself, a market equal to that of all Europe. I mean however, if it be aided by making and completing the facilities of intercommunication of which the country is susceptible. The great evil of our situation arises from what is its great advantage—the immensity of our domain, and our dispersion over it. These improvements would remove this evil, and leave this advantage unmixed. Then, with all the advantages