--where nature invites more the art of man to complete her work for his accommodation, and benefit. These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for internal communication, in bringing and binding more closely together the various points of our extended confederacy. Whilst the States individually, with a laudable enterprise and ambition avail themselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable

canals,and by improving streams susceptible of.

of navigation, the General Government is more urged to similar undertakings requiring nationaljurisdiction and national means, by the prospett of this system wholly completing so inestimable a work. And it is a happy reflection that any defect of constitutional authority, which may be encontered, can be supplied in a mode which the constitution itself has providentially pointed out.” - It is impossible to read this extract without coming to the conclusion, that,in the opinion of Mr. Madison, Congress had power, to a certain extent, over the subject of internal improvement—that the power ought to, be exercised, and that whatever defect of power there might be, should be supplied by an amendment of the Constitution. It could not be but that Mr. Calhoun, and the committee, considered it in this light, and so considering it, it is difficult to conceive any exertion of power, in reference to it, that could be less liable to a constitutional objection than the bill reported by, them... and which was afterwards rejected by Mr. Madison. That the reader way judge, we publish the bill below. It does not even appropriate moneyit simply sets apart aparticular fund, and provides for the mode of its application,leaving it to afuture Congress to determine the extent of the power, on the subject which Mr. Madison had recognised as existing, or if that power should be defective, to obtain it by amendment of the Constitution, as Mr. Madison proposed. It is difficult to imagine how such a bill could be unconstitutional, provided there be any power at all over the subject in the constitution. Such, at least, was Mr. Calhoun’s belief; and we accordingly find that, in his opening speech, and in the subsequent discussion, he avoids touching on the constitutional power. In fict, it is well known that he was urged to make *direct assertion of the power in the bill, which he declined, on the ground that it was not necessary, and that he had not made up his mind * to the extent of the power. It is also well known that neither he, nor any of those with whom he acted, had the least suspicion that * Madison entertained any constitutional scruPos with regard to it, until the day before the *!ection; and that, when disclosed, it was a mat‘. of the greatest surprise and regret that he . be placed in a condition to be compelled b *his vote, and that they themselves should e subjected to the injurious effects which it * on their public standing. wo. #. ". i. of Mr. Calhoun on this excepthis re "ch his views can be inferred, Port, made in 1819,0n the subject of

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There is another view worthy of remark. Internal improvement has for many years been considered, and, we believe, correctly, as a part of the American system—as the means of disposing of the funds derived from the tariff. It is certain that Mr. Calhoun has never been its supporter in this light. The plan which he proposed separated it wholly from the tariff. Under that plan, no portion of the money drawn from the tariff, or the industry of the country, was to be applied to internal improvement; and in looking upon its wise and cautious provisions, we feel satisfied that, had it been adopted and maintained, all of the evils which have grown out of the subsequent abuses of the system, would have been prevented, and, with it, the subsequent increase of the tariff, and the dangerous consequences which are likely to flow from it. The fixed amount of the fund, and the equal manner in which it was to be applied, offered the most certain guaranty against abuses, and against carrying the system to excess.

In conclusion, it is impossible not to see the injustice which has been done to Mr. Calhoun, by carrying to excess measures which he advocated upon moderate principles. Thus, because he supported the tariff of 1816, when the revenue of the country required it, he has been held responsible for all the subsequent and extravagant additions which have been made to it—notwithstanding he has been opposed to all of them, as extravagant, unconstitu. tional, and unjust. Again, because he carried through the bonus bill, he has been held re. sponsible for all the subsequent abuses of the system of internal improvement, although he had not the slightest agency in passing them and although they have been adopted on H. ciples diametrically opposed to those co, in the bill which he advocated and carried through.

That bill is as follows:

"A BILL to set apart, as a permanent fund for internal improvements, the bonus of the National Bank and the United States' share of its dividends:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re

assembled, That the United States' share of the dividends of the National Bank, and the bonus for its charter, be, and the same are, hereby set apart and permanently pledged as a fund for constructing roads and canals; and that it be subject to such specificq appropriation, in that respect, as Congress may hereafter make. Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the said fund be put under the care of the Secretary of the Treasury, for the time being, and that it shall be his duty, unless otherwise directed, to vest the said dividend, if not specifically appropriated by Congress, in the stock of the United States; which stock shall accrue to, and is hereby constituted a part of , the said fund for constructing of roads and canals. * Sec. 3. Beit further enacted, That it shall also be the duty of the said Secretary, unless otherwise directed, to vest the bonus for the charter of the said bank, as it may fall due, in the stock of the United States; and also to lay before Congress, at their next usual session, the condition of the said fund.


Public meetings are being held in Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, to remonstrate against Mr. McLane's project of a tariff. , Mr. Walsh speaks of that lately held in Philadelphia, over which Joseph Hemphill as President, and Robert Waln, Matthew Carey, J. P. Wetherill, and Paul Richards, as Vice Prestdents, presided, as follows:

favor. day confirms its truth, that if Mr. Clay would decline, a union of those opposed to General Jackson would take place on another candidate ; and that, in that case, he would not re.

presentatives of the United States, in Congress ceive thirty votes.

We expressed the opinion, and every

We do not believe, that if Mr. Clay were withdrawn to-morrow, Gen.

Jackson could be elected. Much time has been

lost; but it is not now too late. Had he been withdrawn six monthsago, Gen. Jackson,in our opinion, would not now have been a candidate. If Gen. Jackson is re-elected, it will be because Mr. Clay is the opposing candidate. Such is our opinion; and the state of parties, six months after the re-election of Gen. Jackson, should it take place, will satisfy the most incredulous.

The Republican has no regard to truth when it asserts, that we have said that “Gen. Jack: son could carry Mr. Barbour throuhg, and will secure for Mr. Van Buren 96 votes.” We said no such thing. We do not believe that Gen. Jackson will give Mr. Barbour a single vote. If Mr. Barbour will consent to be a candidate, on the only terms upon which he can be elected, he will be a candidate in opposition to the wishes of Gen. Jackson; and if he is elected, it will be in spite of the opposition, and not by the aid of Gen. Jackson. As to Gen. Jackson's securing 96 votes for Mr Van Buren, we never have believed that he could secure for him one vote beyond New Hampshire. It may be that he may secure enough votes to elect him ; but if he does, Philip Pendleton Barbour must betray the south, and tamely submit to wear a collar, branded Amos Kendall, Wm. B. Lewis, & Co. Will he do this? We do not be: lieve that he will; and until we see that he ho turned a traitor to the south, we will not bo lieve that Gen. Jackson can secure even forty

“The Public Meeting which was held in this city on Saturday afternoon, in regard to the tariff, was numerous beyond example, notwith

standing the extreme inclemency of the weath; er. The Dristrict court room being too small

to contain a fourth part of the multitude, the meeting was transferred to the hall of the Musicial Fund society. ... Business was transacted with despatch, and the utmost unanimity and carnestness.” Roxank. —These novements go beyond the tails question. General Jackson, if he were wise, and well informed, would see the future in the present. Coming events often cast their shadows before them. __–Retreating.—Duff Green, alleged, some time since, that the President would be driven back to the tiemitage, with the votes of Tenness only in his favor. He now admits not only that he will be elected, but that he could carry Mr. Barbour through, and will secure for Mr. Van Buren 96 votes. He will have to admit, both that the President will be re-elected, and Mr. Van Buren elected by a triumphant majority.-Baltimore Republican.

Coxx; st.--We never did allege that Gen. of dollars,

Jacks ... would be driven back to the Hermi

*** with the votes of Tennessee only in his error first above mentioned

votes for Mr. Van Buren. Those of New York, we believe, are lost. * -


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port the TELEGRAPH.


In an article which appeared in the Goat of Monday last, an attempt has been mode." controvert the statement which appeared in the Teikon ApH in relation to the “Treasily scheme,” for the reduction of the tariff. W. have examined both of these articles, and will proceed to state the result. It was stated in the Telegraph that Mr. McLane's proposed o: duction of duties amounted only to $6,310,315, instead of $10,976,007, as intimated in the ** coxl PARATIVE STATEM ExT showing the amount and rates of duties under the present lars, and that proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, &c.” submitted to Congress by that officer, and further, that instead of reducing the revenue to $15,394,318, (as intimated in that state. ment,) the Treasury scheme would probably swell the revenue to upwards of twenty millions

It was alleged in the Telegraph, that the arisen from as


suming the tariff of 1828 as the “present tariff,”
when, by the acts of 1830, reductions had been

already made to the amonnt of $4,665,491, of

which no notice was taken in the Treasury
statement. It is now distinctly admitted in the
Globe that this statement of the Telegraph is
substantially correct, and that the Treasury
statement being founded on the former and not
on the present tariff, “instead of the term pre-
sent tariff, the luriff in force in 1830, should
have been used.” It is conceded, then EpoRE,
that the AMoUNT or REDUctions, UNDER Mn.
McLANE's bill, will be No MoRE THAN
$6,310,516 INstEAD of $10,976,007, as hereto.
fore estimated, the difference ($4,665,491,)
being the amount of reduction already effected
under the acts of 1830, on tea, coffee, cocoa,
molasses, and salt. So FAR ALL PARTIES ARE
Now AGREED. The only remaining point, there-
fore, to be considered is, what will be the pro-
bable amount of the revenue should the reduc-
tions proposed by Mr. McLane be carried into
effect” Mr. McLane's scheme proposes (as has
been shown) to take off no more -
than ". - - - $6,310,516
from the existing duties, and it is -
assumed in the “Treasury state-
ment” that the amount of du-
ties which will accrue under
the proposed rates, will be no
more than - - -
making, together, $21,704,834
from which it clearly appears, that this sum
($21,704,834) is assumed by the Treasury De-
partment as the true amount of accruing duties
at the present The difference between
the amount here stated, and the $26,370,328
put down in the Treasury statement, arises from
there being included in the latter the sum of
$4,665,491, the amount of duties repealed under
the acts of 1830, of wifth no notice is taken in
that statement, and which must of course be de-
ducted. Mr. McLane assumes that these re-
pealed duties will reduce the future revenue,
by this amount, of $4,665,491, and makes this
assumption in the face of the fact, that the du-
ties which accrued in 1831, as well as the esti-
mated duties of 1832, exceed those of 1830 by
more than the whole amount of the duties re-
pealed under the acts of 1830. To show how
fir Mr. McLane's estimate of the future revenue
is under the mark, we will merely advert to the
fict, that it falls near five millions short of the
average of the last six years. This will be at
once perceived by any one who will take up
the table given below, of the actual receipts into
the Treasury from customs, and add thereto
the “expenses of collection, drawbacks, boun-
tics,” &c. (amounting, on an average, to up-
wards of $5,000,000 per annum.) This calcu-
lation will show, conclusively, that, in spite of
the fact, that the annually accruing revenue
from customs is about $26,000,000, Mr. Mc-
one estimates the future revenue at only
$21,000,000, when it is morally certain that,


|ally increasing, and cannot possibly be dimin-
The only point for inquiry, is, what will be
the probable amount of the receipts from cus-
toms, should duties to the amount of $6,310,516
be taken off, as proposed by Mr. McLane's
scheme? It may surely be safely assumed, that
a reduction of dutics will not lessen the impor-
tations; and as the annual expenses of the go-
vernment for the last eight years have averaged
supwards of $13,000,000, and the public debt
has averaged upwards of $12,000,000, (making,
together, $26,000,000,) that when the charge
on account of the public debt shall cease, a re-
duction to the extent of twelve millions, (instead
of six millions, as proposed,) could be safely
made, and still leave an amount sufficient for
the ordinary expenses of the government,
which, we are told, is the treasury standard. To
a plain man, it would seem unaccountable that,
when a demand for twelve millioms a year, on
account of the public debt, shall be entirely re-
moved, the revenue should only be reduced six
millions, and yet that, the expenses of the go-
vernment remaining the same, no surplus
should be left in the treasury. If this be so, it
can only be accounted for by some extraordina-
ry diminution in the imports and exports of the
country—an event certainly not to be anticipa-
ted. If it should be objected, that it is a part
of the , treasury scheme to dispense with the
revenue derived from the public lands, we will
merely say, in reply, that this part of the scheme
seems to be ned by common consent.
In estimating the probable receipts in future
years, calculations were presented in the Tele-
graph, founded on the actual receipts for the
year 1831, and also on the estimated receipts for
the year 1832. These authentic data exhibited
the following results:
Actual receipts for 1831, - $28,525,588
[This, it will be observed, is the nett, and not
the gross revenue for that year.]
Deduct amount of propod reduc- -
tions, - " - - $6,310,516

And we would have a nett revenue

of. - - - $22,215,072
Subject only to a deduction of so much of the
duties on tea, coffee, &c. which have been re.
pealed under the acts of 1830, but which may
have entered into the receipts of 1831.
In the annual treasury report of the present
year, the following statements are made h re-
lation to the receipts of 1832:
“The duties which accrued during the first
three quarters of the present year are estimated
at $27,319,000; and those for the fourth quarter
at $6,000,000. Some deduction, however,
will be made from these before they can reach
the treasury, on account of the reduction in the
duties on offee, tea, otoa, and salt, by the
acts of the 20th and 29th May, 1830, and which
may be estimated to affect the duties on those
articles remaining in store on the 1st of Janua-
ry, 1832, to the amount of about $750,000.

under any system, not prohibitory, the imports the receipts from the public lands, during and exports of the country must go on gradu-\the present year, it will be perceived, haveliks

wise exceeded the estimates, and, indeed, have
gone beyond all former example. It is believ.
ed that, notwithstanding the large amount of
scrip and forfeited land stook that may still be
a sorbed in payments for lands, yet, if the sur-
veys now projected be completed, the receipts
from this source of revenue will not fall greatly
below those of the present year.
From all the information which
the Department has been a-
ble to obtain, thc receipts in-
to the treasury during the
year 1832, may be estimated

at $30,100,000 viz.: Customs, - $20,500,000 Public Lands, - 3,000,000 Bank dividends, - 490,000 In idental receipts, including arrears of internal duties and direct taxes, - or - 110,000 .

Now, if from this amount there be taken the reduction under Mr. McLane's bill, we have remaining a revenue of $22,215,333 But, it is objected that these receipts, like those of 1831, “will be made up, in part, and largely, too, of the duties on tea, coffee, &c. re; ealed by the acts of 1830.”. Now, we should old it to be impossible that any large amount derived from duties repealed in 1830 should enter into the receipts of 1832; but, whatever it may be, it will be seen, from the above extract from the treasury report, that the receipts of 1832 are estimated at - $26,500 000 After deducting “drawback, "expenses of gollection, &c.” and $750,000 on account of these repealed duties on coffee, tea, cocoa, and salt. But it is denied "that either of these years present a just standard,” by which to measure the future receipts from customs. The “usual and natural level,” is assumed to be the receipts of 1830, diminished by the whole amount of iiie duties taken o under the acts of 1830. †he Treasury estimate would therefore stand thus: Gross amount of duties in 1830, Deduct amount of duties reduced by act of 1830, . -


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rates—say - - - $22,500,000
To which add receipts from “old
internal revenue, direct tax,
postage, public lands, bank di-
vidends, & miscellaneous,” say 4,000,000
And we have - - - $26,500,000
as the annual receipts at the
present rates. • -
From which take Mr. McLane's
proposed reduction, 6,310,516
And we have - - - $20,189,484

as the amount which would probably come into
the Treasury, under Mr. McLane's bill, leaving
an annual surplus, after paying “the authoriz-
ed expenditures of the Government,” of seren
millions of dollars.
We will briefly notico one or two other ob-
jections to Mr. McLane's 7-comparative state.
ment.” -
1st. Mr. McLane assumes as the basis of his
calculation, the fiscal year ending on the 30th
September, 1830, instead of the calendaryear:
ending on the 31st December, 1830. His cal-
culations, therefore, are founded on a revenue of
only $26,370,328, instead of $28,382,795, there.
by assuming a revenue less by two millions
than the proper amount; the period chosen be:
ing one obviously influenced by the depression
incident to the tariff of 1829, from which the
country was just beginning to recoverin the last
quarter of the year 1830; and from which it
has been recovering more and more ever since:
2d. The next objection to Mr. McLane's
statement is, that he makes the calculations on
the accrued revenue, and not, as he should have
done, on the receipts into the Treasury. The
object in view, certainly was, to shew the
amount of duties, under the present tariff; the
amount that would be lenied under the proposed
rates, and the amount of taxation from which the
people would thereby be relieved. This is at
tempted to be exhibited thus:

* These amounted, in 1831, to $4,385,816.

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Amount of pre- Amount of pro- Difference. sent duties, posed duties. $26,370,325 - $15,394,318 $10,976,007

Now, in addition to the fact which has been shewn, that $4,665,491, of this proposed reduction, has already taken place under the acts of 1830, (whereby the estimated saving is reduced from ten millions to six,) there is this further objection to the statement, that it is founded on the duties which accrued in the year selected by Mr. McLane, and not on the actual receipts into the Treasury, whereby the whole amount of “drawbacks, bounties to ships, expenses of collection,” &c. has been (erroneously as we conceive,) included in the calculation. The “drawbacks” &c. are estimated in Mr. McLane's statement at $3,881,479. Whether this estmate is founded on the present or proposed duties, does not clearly appear. Assuming, howev. er, $3,881,479 to be the amount of “drawbacks,” &c. on $15,394,318, at the proposed rates, then (if therebe no error in our calculation,) $5,770,479, would be about the amount of “drawbacks,” &c. on $26,370,328, at the proposed rates, and as the amount of drawbacks,” &c. constitute, of course, no part of the duties collected, and form no part of the public, revenue; the account for the year selected by Mr. McLane, should stand thus, (if we are correct in the calculation.) Amount of present duties, deduct

ing drawbacks, - - $20,599,731 Amount of proposed duties, deduct. "

ing drawbacks, -- - - 11,512,839 Difference, being the amount sav-

ed to the people, - 9,086,892

From which take the reductions under the acts of 1830, . . 4,665,491

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And we have the nett amont of the proposed reduction, kasthan four millions and a half. If the amount of drawbacks be greater, the amount of saving would be less. In every point of view, it would seem to be certain, that if $6,310,516 be the true amount of Mr. M'Lane's Proposed reduction, on the basis assumed, that having formed that estimate on the duties acoutd. (including the drawbacks,) instead of the duties received, the amount of actual oft must be less by upwards of a million and a half of dollars, thin is assumed. - . It requires no argument to show, that a duty *criting on articles re-exported, and on which the duties are refunded, can constitute no part, either of the amount of revenue under the present tariff, or of reductions under the proposed tariff. The actual reduction, therefore, under Mr. M'Lane's bill, being reduced On account of the “drawbacks,” &c., as abate stated, will leave

only - - - 4,421,401 As the amount, of relief from the Polic burdens, should Mr.

*Lane's billinits present form, become a law, from which ought to be deducted the further sum

of about " . - 1,770,000

(being the estimated amount of the cash andauetion duties, the bounty on ships, &c. &c., which will unquestionably constitute clear additions to the public burdens,) so that the relief to be joid"to the country, should Mr. M'Lane's bill become a law, cannot be justly estimated at more than $3,000,000, unless the view which we have taken of this subject, be entirely erroileous. - And should Mr. M'Lane’s bill be modified as proposed by the Committees of Manufactnres, the reductions effected, would amount almost to nothing. It is admitted that “the fact has been overlooked, that the reduction of $6,310,516 by MrMcLane's bill, being upon a nett revenue of twenty-two millions, the same rate of reduction upon a larger revenue would give a larger reduction,” the difference, however, would not be very important. On the estimated receipts of 1832, it would not exceed a million"of dollars. We differ radically from the writer in the Globe, when he assumes that it may be found impracticable to raise neither more nor less revenue than may be required; and that it, therefore, becomes indispensible to raise enough—or, in other words, that to guard against the possibility of a deficiency, we must take care to raise an amount that could in no event fall below, but would in all probability greatly exceed the “authorized expenditures” of the government. We beliove that a system of duties arranged on sound principles, can be so adjusted, as to raise neither more nor less revenue than may be required. We do not mean that the receipts and expenditures shall be exactly balanced at the end of any particular year, but that, in a series. of years, they shall be so adjusted that there shall remain no surplus in the Treasury, and no ordinary expenditure of the Government be unprovided for . The unexpended balances of appropriations always remaining in the Treasury at the end of every year, would constitute a fund capable of being used in case of emergency, to which might be added, if necessary, an . to borrow to a limited extent, should an"unexpected deficiency render such a measure necessary. We do not regard a deficiency under such a government as ours, as an evil at all to be deprecated, while we should consider a surplus in the Treasury as an event greatly to be feared. Besides the temptation that would thereby be held out to extravagant expenditures, the corrupting influence of public money left in the Treasury to be s rambled for, and capable of being used as an instrument for party purposes, cannot be too carefully guarded against. With regard to the concluding suggestion of the writer in the Globe, “that if the duties under the proposed scheme would be at first too high, the task will remain of discovering how a greater reduction, can be made from the protected articles without ruin to the vast interests involved in them,” the writer of this article will only say, that the Treasury scheme has been subjected to criticism merely as a revenue ineasure, and the moment protection and not reve

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