Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

FROM THE GLOBE.

after his long experience, we cannot doubt; Explanation accounting for the difference between and that he has undergone some change of views Mr. McLane's Report to the Senate, and Mr. as to the tariff itself, in the long interval of sixDickerson's Bill, and that of his own Bill re-teen years, we think highly probable; but that ported to the House: he ever defended or supported a protective taThe statement to the Senate exhibited a re- riff, as distinct from a tariff for revenue, there duction of $2,168,039, upon the nett revenue of is not the slightest evidence, and we believe to the articles therein specified, after deducting be utterly false. That the tariff of 1816 was drawbacks on exportation; and the calendar really a revenue tariff, cannot be doubted. It year of 1830 was taken as the basis of calcu- came from the Committee of Ways and Means; lation. it great! reduced the existing amount of duThe duties on teas, coffee, and cocoa, were ties, and it fixed the scale no higher than the calculated at the present rates. public wants required with the existing debt. The statement to the House of Representa- But while it was a revenue tariff, it afforded an tives embraced the entire imports, and exhibited incidental protection to the manufacturers of the gross revenue for the fiscal year, commenc-the country-an incidental protection at which ing the 1st October, 1829, and ending 30th almost every public man rejoiced-as it was alSeptember, 1830. most universally felt that much was due to the If the writer of the article in the "Intelli- new direction which the restrictive measures gencer" of yesterday, will ascertam the differ- and the war had given to the capital of the ence in amount of duties on the articles above country.

mentioned, between the present and the former But Mr. Ritchie relies upon Mr. Calhoun's rates, and will also deduct the probable amount speech as proving that he was in favor of a profor drawbacks, he may the be reconciled to the tecting tariff. It is true that Mr. Calhoun exapparent difference between the two state-pressed himself warmly in favor of the manu

ments.

MR. RITCHIE, MR. CALHOUN, AND THE
TARIFF OF 1816.

1

factures of the country, as he now and has always felt towards them. He never has doubted their beneficial effect. His objection has been to the means of advancing them-to laying on, under the name of imposts, duties without He who makes a charge against another, reference to revenue, but solely for the object ought himself to be free from offence. Mr. Rit- of advancing the interest of one branch of inchie andertakes to accuse the Vice President on dustry, at the expense of another; and we dea charge of inconsistency in reference to the ta-fy Mr. Ritchie to point out a single sentiment riff, while he is guilty of inconsistency himself, in all that Mr. Calhoun said in favor of manuin reference to the same subject in the most facturing, which would give the least counte odious form-a form which can neither be jus- nance to the opinion that he believed a protectified or excused. The wisest and most virtu- tive tariff, as separate from one for revenue, to ous men may entertain different opinions at dif- be constitutional or just. He has not attempt ferent times, and long intervals; in fact such di-ed to point out any such; but, on the contrary, versity would seem to be the natural result of has rested his accusation simply on the ground our limited intellect when applied to political of what Mr. Calhoun said of the beneficial subjects, many of which can only be solved by time and experience. A public man would live in vain-we must be more or less than man, if sixteen years of action and busy life did not modify and change many of his opinions, and he would be dishonest, if such charges did not affect his course. But what are we to think of those inconsistencies which exist,not at different Let us illustrate. Suppose a tariff, for reperiods of life, but in the self same moment, in venue, to be under consideration. Suppose it the self same individual? They must be the to be proposed to lay a duty of 20 per cent. effect of stupidity or dishonesty. Such is Mr. upon books, and suppose that a member should Ritchie's case. He who denounces Mr. Cal- move an amendment to reduce the duty on houn for entertaining different opinions on bibles to 10 per cent., and would support his the tariff, after an interval of sixteen years, motion on the ground of the highly beneficial zealously supports Mr. Van Buren, who was effect of the bible on the religion and morality known to be the decided advocate of the ta- of the country. Mr. Ritchie would not doubt, riff system. He objects to Mr. Calhoun be- the argument would be a fair one; and yet, accause he voted for the tariff of 1816, and sup-cording to his logic, the mover would be commitports him who voted for the more obnoxious ta- ted in favor of the constitutionality of legislating riff of 1828 !! on the religion and the morals of the country,

effect of our manufactures. According to Mr. Ritchie's logic, to recommend a measure on account of its incidental advantages, is, in fact, to assert, not only that the immediate subject of legislation is constitutional, but that the incidental would also be constitutional, as a direct object of legislation.

But we would be sorry to rest the defence of both of which are clearly beyond the constituMr. Calhoun on the conviction of Mr. Ritchie. tional power of Congress. This is analagous to the He would scorn to justify his course by the tergi-case of Mr. Calhoun. He found the House hesiversation of the latter. It stands on a more so tating as to the rates of the duties, and though lid foundation. That Mr. Calhoun's views have few could doubt but that the money was rebeen modified, and in some respects changed, quired, and as the the most efficient moed of

reconciling them to the bill, he represented the which Mr. Ritchie has grossly misrepresented beneficial effects which the country would de- the opinions of Mr. Calhoun. He has equally rive from the growth of manufactures, and the misrepresented him on the subject of internal obligation which the country was under, from improvement, of which we have an instance in the peculiar circumstances of the north, of a recent number of the Enquirer, in which he affording them the protection incident to undertakes to defend Mr. Van Buren against a revenue bill, the constitutional power to the charge af supporting the distribution of the do which even Mr. Ritchie will not ques- surplus revenue among the States, according to tion. That there may be unguarded ex- the ratio of representation. He says: "This pressions in the speech is probable. Mr. Cal- was Mr. Calhoun's ratio for distributing the bohoun himself apologised, at the commence- nus and profits of the United States Bank in re.. ment, for speaking without preparation or ma-lation to internal improvement." If Mr. Ritchie ture reflection. In fact we have heard an anec- will take the trouble of turning to the bonus dote upon this subject which we deem worth bill, of which he has so frequently spoke, he relating. Mr. Calhoun did not intend to speak will find that he is quite mistaken-that Mr. on the subject at all. His attention had been, Calhoun never proposed to distribute the bonus almost exclusively occupied by the important among the States; or that there is any thing in subject of the currency, then in a very derang-the bill that would countenance the odious sysed state. He was on the Committee on the tem of distributing the surplus revenue among Currency. A distinguished member from Penn- the several States. According to the plan of the sylvania, while the tariff was under discussion, bonus bill, it was to be applied, by Congress, to came to where he was sitting and said: "We the subject of internal improvement, in the sevare falling into confusion on the subject of the eral States; and to prevent the unequal action tariff, and you know that, if you permit amend-or the exercise of power, without the approbaments to a revenue bill, consisting of so many tion of the State, it provided that the fund items, every one will insist upon the amend- should be applied proportionably to the reprements particularly favorable to his constituents, sentation of the several States, and with the and that the greatest confusion must be the re- consent of the State. It was far from the obsult"-and concluded by requesting Mr. Cal-ject of the bill to withdraw the control of Conhoun to speak on the bill. Mr. Calhoun re-gress over the fund, but simply to regulate its plied, that he had not thought of the subject-application in order to ensure an equality of bethat his mind had been otherwise engaged, nefits.

and that he had trusted to Mr. Lowndes, and Having touched this subject, we deem it prothe Committee of Ways and Means, and that per to go farther into the views of Mr. Calhoun, he was at a loss what to say. His friend still as indicated by his public acts in reference urging him to speak, he rose, without prepa- to internal improvement, as they have been the ration, and delivered the speech which now, af- subject of the grossest misrepresentation. We ter so long a time, Mr. Ritchie and others are have no doubt that one cause, and the leading anxious to pervert into evidence that Mr. Cal- one, why his views have been so misconstrued, houn entertained sentiments in regard to a pro- is that he had the misfortune to have a bill, in tective tariff which he never did. troduced and supported by him, rejected by By way of illustration, and to show the real Mr. Madison, and to have the weight of his auopinion of Mr. Calhoun, in regard to the tariff, thority thus to bear against him; but we are of in an incidental discussion in the year 1813, on an impression that this circumstance, fairly a motion of Mr. McKim to prohibit the introduc- considered, ought not to produce the impression tion of foreign goods, with a view to the encou-which it has done. Mr. Calhoun was the chairragement of domestic manufactures, Mr. Cal-man of the committee to which that portion of houn opposed the motion, on the ground that Mr. Madison's message which related to interthe war itself was giving much more encour-nal improvement, was referred; and we hold it agement than was desirable, and that, on the impossible for any impartial mind to read that return of peace, we would find ourselves great-portion of the message, and to compare it with ly embarrassed by the new direction which the the provisions of the bonus bill, and to assert capital and industry of the country had receiv- that the latter went a single inch beyond the ed, in consequence of so great an encourage-former. We give an extract from the message; ment-that our true policy was to permit the it is as follows: introduction of goods as freely as possible to di- Among the means of advancing the public 'minish this embarrassment; but, while he a- interest, the occasion is a proper one for recallvowed, these sentiments, he would be found, ing the attention of Congress to the great imwhen peace returned, disposed to afford to the portance of establishing throughout our counmanufactures proper protection, in the adjust-try, the roads and canals which can best be loment of the tariff. In pursuing the course cated under the national authority. No object which he did in 1816, he bat fulfilled this de- within the circle of political economy, so richly claration. His remarks in 1813 do as much ho- repays the expense bestowed on them; there nor to his sagacity, although just entering into are none, the utility of which is more universally public life, as his course in 1816 did to his li- assented to and acknowledged; none that do more berality and sense of justice. We trust that honor to the Government whose wise and Mr. Ritchie is answered on the subject of the enlarged patriotism duly appreciates them. tariff; but the tariff is not the only subject on Nor is there any country which presents a field

[ocr errors]

where nature invites more the art of man to complete her work for his accommodation, and benefit. These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for internal communication, in bringing and binding more closely together the va rious points of our extended confederacy. Whilst the States individually, with a laudable enterprise and ambition avail themselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable canals, and by improving streams susceptible of of navigation, the General Government is more urged to similar undertakings requiring national jurisdiction and national means, by the prospect of this system wholly completing so inestimable a work. And it is a happy reflection that any defect of constitutional authority, which may be encountered, can be supplied in a mode which the constitution itself has providentially pointed out."

internal improvement, under a call of the House of Representatives. By turning to this report, it will be seen that Mr. Calhoun carefully guarded against the inference that might be drawn as to his opinion of the extent of the power. We add an extract from this report. It is as follows:

Extract from Mr. Calhoun's Report.

"In the view which has been taken, I have thought it improper, under the resolution, to discuss the constitutionality, or how far the system of internal improvement which has been presented may be carried into effect on the principles of our government; and, therefore, the whole of the arguments which are used, and the measures proposed, must be considered as de pending on the decision of that question."

It is impossible not to see, from the above, that Mr. Calhoun, so far from entertaining the extravagant opinions as to the powers of Congress, in reference to internal improvement, which have been attributed to him by Mr. Rit chie and others, has always been cautious and moderate in his views upon that subject.

There is another view worthy of remark. Internal improvement has for many years been considered, and, we believe, correctly, as a part of the American system-as the means of disposing of the funds derived from the tariff. It

is certain that Mr. Calhoun has never been its

It is impossible to read this extract without coming to the conclusion, that, in the opinion of Mr. Madison, Congress had power, to a certain extent, over the subject of internal improve, ment-that the power ought to be exercised, and that whatever defect of power there might be, should be supplied by an amendment of the Constitution. It could not be but that Mr. Calhoun, and the committee, considered it in this light, and so considering it, it is difficult to conceive any exertion of power, in reference to it, supportér in this light. The plan which he prothat could be less liable to a constitutional ob- posed separated it wholly from the tariff. Unjection than the bill reported by them, and der that plan, no portion of the money drawn which was afterwards rejected by Mr. Madison. from the tariff, or the industry of the country, That the reader may judge, we publish the bill was to be applied to internal improvement; and below. It does not even appropriate money-in looking upon its wise and cautious provisions, it simply sets apart a particular fund, and provides for the mode of its application,leaving it to a future Congress to determine the extent of the power, on the subject which Mr. Madison had recognised as existing, or if that power should be defective, to obtain it by amendment of the Constitution, as Mr. Madison proposed.

cess.

we feel satisfied that, had it been adopted and maintained, all of the evils which have grown out of the subsequent abuses of the system, would have been prevented, and, with it, the subsequent increase of the tariff, and the dangerous consequences which are likely to flow from it. The fixed amount, of the fund, It is difficult to imagine how such a bill and the equal manner in which it was to be apcould be unconstitutional, provided there be any plied, offered the most certain guaranty against power at all over the subject in the constitu-abuses, and against carrying the system to extion. Such, at least, was Mr. Calhoun's belief; and we accordingly find that, in his opening speech, and in the subsequent discussion, he avoids touching on the constitutional power. In fact, it is well known that he was urged to make a direct assertion of the power in the bill, which he declined, on the ground that it was not necessary, and that he had not made up his mind as to the extent of the power. It is also well known that neither he, nor any of those with whom he acted, had the least suspicion that Mr. Madison entertained any constitutional scruples with regard to it, until the day before the rejection; and that, when disclosed, it was a matter of the greatest surprise and regret that he should be placed in a condition to be compelled to give his vote, and that they themselves should be subjected to the injurious effects which it must have on their public standing.

There is no official act of Mr. Calhoun on this subject, from which his views can be inferred, except his report, made in 1819,on the subject of

cated upon

In conclusion, it is impossible not to see the injustice which has been done to Mr. Calhoun, by carrying to excess measures which he advo Thus, bemoderate principles. cause he supported the tariff of 1816, when the revenue of the country required it, he has been held responsible for all the subsequent and extravagant additions which have been made to it notwithstanding he has been oppo

sed to all of them, as extravagant, unconstitu

tional, and unjust. Again, because he carried through the bonus bill, he has been held responsible for all the subsequent abuses of the system of internal improvement, although he had not the slightest agency in passing them, and although they have been adopted on principles diametrically opposed to those contained in the bill which he advocated and carried through.

That bill is as follows:

'A BILL to set apart, as a permanent fund for favor. We expressed the opinion, and every internal improvements, the bonus of the day confirms its truth, that if Mr. Clay would National Bank and the United States' share of decline, a union of those opposed to General its dividends: Jackson would take place on another candi

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re-date; and that, in that case, he would not re ceive thirty votes. We do not believe, that presentatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, That the United States' share of the if Mr. Clay were withdrawn to-morrow, Gen. dividends of the National Bank, and the bonus Jackson could be elected. Much time has been for its charter, be, and the same are, hereby set lost; but it is not now too late. Had he been apart and permanently pledged as a fund for withdrawn six months ago, Gen. Jackson,in our constructing roads and canals; and that it be opinion, would not now have been a candidate. subject to such specified appropriation, in that If Gen. Jackson is re-elected, it will be because respect, as Congress may hereafter make.

Mr. Clay is the opposing candidate. Such is our opinion; and the state of parties, six months after the re-election of Gen. Jackson, should it take place, will satisfy the most incredulous.

SEC. 2. Be it further enacted, That the said fund be put under the care of the Secretary of the Treasury, for the time being, and that it shall be his duty, unless otherwise directed, to it vest the said dividend, if not specifically appropriated by Congress, in the stock of the United States; which stock shall accrue to, and is hereby constituted a part of,, the said fund for constructing of roads and canals.

The Republican has no regard to truth when asserts, that we have said that "Gen. Jackson could carry Mr. Barbour throuhg, and will secure for Mr. Van Buren 96 votes." We said no such thing. We do not believe that Gen. Jackson will give Mr. Barbour a single vote. If

Mr. Barbour will consent to be a candidate, on SEC. 3. Be it further enacted, That it shall also the only terms upon which he can be elected, be the duty of the said Secretary, unless other- he will be a candidate in opposition to the wise directed, to vest the bonus for the charter wishes of Gen. Jackson; and if he is elected, it of the said bank, as it may fall due, in the stock will be in spite of the opposition, and not by of the United States; and also to lay before the aid of Gen. Jackson. As to Gen. JackCongress, at their next usual session, the condi- son's securing 96 votes for Mr Van Buren, we tion of the said fund.

THE TARIFF..

never have believed that he could secure for him one vote beyond New Hampshire. It may be that he may secure enough votes to elect Public meetings are being held in Pennsylva-him; but if he does, Philip Pendleton Barbour nia, and elsewhere, to remonstrate against Mr. must betray the south, and tamely submit to McLane's project of a tariff. Mr. Walsh speaks wear a collar, branded Amos Kendall, Wm. B. of that lately held in Philadelphia, over which Lewis, & Co., Will he do this? We do not beJoseph Hemphill as President, and Robert Waln, lieve that he will; and until we see that he has Matthew Carey, J. P. Wetherill, and Paul Rich-turned a traitor to the south, we will not beards, as Vice Prestdents, presided, as follows: lieve that Gen. Jackson can secure even forty "The Public Meeting which was held in this votes for Mr. Van Buren. Those of New York, city on Saturday afternoon, in regard to the ta-we believe, are lost. riff, was numerous beyond example, notwithstanding the extreme inclemency of the weath

er.

The Dristrict court room being too small to contain a fourth part of the multitude, the

COMMUNICATIONS, &c.

FOR THE TELEGRAPH.

RIFF.

meeting was transferred to the hall of the Mu- PROPOSED REDUCTION OF THE TAsicial Fund society. Business was transacted with despatch, and the utmost unanimity and earnestness."

REMARK.-These movements go beyond the tariff question. General Jackson, if he were wise, and well informed, would see the future in the present. Coming events often cast their shadows before them.

We

In an article which appeared in the GLOBE of Monday last, an attempt has been made to controvert the statement which appeared in the TELEGRAPH in relation to the "Treasury scheme," for the reduction of the tariff. have examined both of these articles, and will proceed to state the result. It was stated in the Telegraph that Mr. McLane's proposed reRetreating-Duff Green, alleged, some duction of duties amounted only to $6,310,516, time since, that the President would be driven instead, of $10,976,007, as intimated in the back to the Hermitage, with the votes of Ten-COMPARATIVE STATEMENT showing the amount ness only in his favor. He now admits not on- and rates of duties under the present tariff, and ly that he will be elected, but that he could that proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, carry Mr. Barbour through, and will secure for &c." submitted to Congress by that officer, and Mr. Van Buren 96 votes. He will have to ad- further, that instead of reducing the revenue mit, both that the President will be re-elected, to $15,394,318, (as intimated in that stateand Mr. Van Buren elected by a triumphant ment,) the Treasury scheme would probably majority.-Baltimore Republican. swell the revenue to upwards of twenty millions

COMMENT.—We never did allege that Gen. of dollars. Jackson would be driven back to the Hermi- It was alleged in the Telegraph, that the tape with the votes of Tennessee only in his error first above mentioned had arisen from as

suming the tariff of 1828 as the "present tariff,"ally increasing, and cannot possibly be diminwhen, by the acts of 1830, reductions had been ished.

already made to the amonnt of $4,665,491, of The only point for inquiry, is, what will be which no notice was taken in the Treasury the probable amount of the receipts from cusstatement. It is now distinctly admitted in the toms, should duties to the amount of $6,310,516 GLOBE that this statement of the Telegraph is be taken off, as proposed by Mr. McLane's substantially correct, and that the Treasury scheme? It may surely be safely assumed, that statement being founded on the former and not a reduction of duties will not lessen the imporon the present tariff, "instead of the term pre- tations; and as the annual expenses of the gosent tariff, the tariff in force in 1830, should vernment for the last eight years have averaged have been used.” It is CONCEDED, THEREFORE, upwards of $13,000,000, and the public debt that the AMOUNT OF REDUCTIONS, UNDER MR. has averaged upwards of $12,000,000, (making, MCLANE'S BILL, WILL BE NO MORE THAN together, $26,000,000,) that when the charge $6,310,516 INSTEAD OF $10,976,007, as hereto on account of the public debt shall cease, a refore estimated, the difference ($4,665,491,) duction to the extent of twelve millions, (instead being the amount of reduction already effected of six millions, as proposed,) could be safely under the acts of 1830, on tea, coffee, cocoa, made, and still leave an amount sufficient for molasses, and salt. SO FAR ALL PARTIES ARE the ordinary expenses of the government, NOW AGREED. The only remaining point, there- which, we are told, is the treasury standard. To fore, to be considered is, what will be the pro- a plain man, it would seem unaccountable that, bable amount of the revenue should the reduc- when a demand for twelve millions a year, on tions proposed by Mr. McLane be carried into account of the public debt, shall be entirely reeffect? Mr. McLane's scheme proposes (as has been shown) to take off no more

than

from the existing duties, and it is

assumed in the "Treasury statement" that the amount of duties which will accrue under the proposed rates, will be no more than

making, together,"

Actual receipts for 1831,

[ocr errors]

$28,525,588 [This, it will be observed, is the nett, and not the gross revenue for that year.] Deduct amount of proposed reduc

tions,

$6,310,516

moved, the revenue should only be reduced six millions, and yet that, the expenses of the go$6,310,516 vernment remaining the same, no surplus should be left in the treasury. If this be so, it can only be accounted for by some extraordinary diminution in the imports and exports of the country-an event certainly not to be anticipated. If it should be objected, that it is a part 15,394,318 of the treasury scheme to dispense with the revenue derived from the public lands, we will $21,704,834 merely say, in reply, that this part of the scheme from which it clearly appears, that this sum seems to be abandoned by common consent. ($21,704,834) is assumed by the Treasury De- In estimating the probable receipts in future partment as the true amount of accruing duties years, calculations were presented in the Teleat the present rates. The difference between graph, founded on the actual receipts for the the amount here stated, and the $26,370,328 year 1831, and also on the estimated receipts for put down in the Treasury statement, arises from the year 1832. These authentic data exhibited there being included in the latter the sum of the following results: $4,665,491, the amount of duties repealed under the acts of 1830, of which no notice is taken in that statement, and which must of course be deducted. Mr. McLane assumes that these re-. pealed duties will reduce the future revenue, by this amount, of $4,665,491, and makes this assumption in the face of the fact, that the duties which accrued in 1831, as well as the esti-of mated duties of 1832, exceed those of 1830 by Subject only to a deduction of so much of the more than the whole amount of the duties re-duties on tea, coffee, &c. which have been repealed under the acts of 1830. To show how pealed under the acts of 1830, but which may far Mr. McLane's estimate of the future revenue have entered into the receipts of 1831. is under the mark, we will merely advert to the fact, that it falls near five millions short of the average of the last six years. This will be at once perceived by any one who will take up "The duties which accrued during the first the table given below, of the actual receipts into three quarters of the present year are estimated the Treasury from customs, and add thereto at $27,319,000; and those for the fourth quarter the "expenses of collection, drawbacks, boun- at $6,000,000. Some deduction, however, ties," &c. (amounting, on an average, to up- will be made from these before they can reach wards of $5,000,000 per annum.) This calcu- the treasury, on account of the reduction in the lation will show, conclusively, that, in spite of duties on offee, tea, ocoa, and salt, by the the fact, that the annually accruing revenue acts of the 20th and 29th May, 1830, and which from customs is about $26,000,000, Mr. Mc- may be estimated to affect the duties on those Lane estimates the future revenue at only articles remaining in store on the 1st of Janua$21,000,000, when it is morally certain that, ry, 1832, to the amount of about $750,000. under any system, not prohibitory, the imports The receipts from the public lands, during and exports of the country must go on gradu-the present year, it will be perceived, have like

And we would have a nett revenue

[ocr errors]

$22,215,072

In the annual treasury report of the present year, the following statements are made in relation to the receipts of 1832:

« ForrigeFortsett »