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--where nature invites more the art of man to complete her work for his accommodation, and benefit. These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for internal communication, in bringing and binding more closely together the various points of our extended confederacy. Whilst the States individually, with a laudable enterprise and ambition avail themselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable
canals,and by improving streams susceptible of.
of navigation, the General Government is more urged to similar undertakings requiring nationaljurisdiction and national means, by the prospett of this system wholly completing so inestimable a work. And it is a happy reflection that any defect of constitutional authority, which may be encontered, can be supplied in a mode which the constitution itself has providentially pointed out.” - It is impossible to read this extract without coming to the conclusion, that,in the opinion of Mr. Madison, Congress had power, to a certain extent, over the subject of internal improvement—that the power ought to, be exercised, and that whatever defect of power there might be, should be supplied by an amendment of the Constitution. It could not be but that Mr. Calhoun, and the committee, considered it in this light, and so considering it, it is difficult to conceive any exertion of power, in reference to it, that could be less liable to a constitutional objection than the bill reported by, them... and which was afterwards rejected by Mr. Madison. That the reader way judge, we publish the bill below. It does not even appropriate moneyit simply sets apart aparticular fund, and provides for the mode of its application,leaving it to afuture Congress to determine the extent of the power, on the subject which Mr. Madison had recognised as existing, or if that power should be defective, to obtain it by amendment of the Constitution, as Mr. Madison proposed. It is difficult to imagine how such a bill could be unconstitutional, provided there be any power at all over the subject in the constitution. Such, at least, was Mr. Calhoun’s belief; and we accordingly find that, in his opening speech, and in the subsequent discussion, he avoids touching on the constitutional power. In fict, it is well known that he was urged to make *direct assertion of the power in the bill, which he declined, on the ground that it was not necessary, and that he had not made up his mind * to the extent of the power. It is also well known that neither he, nor any of those with whom he acted, had the least suspicion that * Madison entertained any constitutional scruPos with regard to it, until the day before the *!ection; and that, when disclosed, it was a mat‘. of the greatest surprise and regret that he . be placed in a condition to be compelled b *his vote, and that they themselves should e subjected to the injurious effects which it * on their public standing. wo. #. ". i. of Mr. Calhoun on this excepthis re "ch his views can be inferred, Port, made in 1819,0n the subject of
There is another view worthy of remark. Internal improvement has for many years been considered, and, we believe, correctly, as a part of the American system—as the means of disposing of the funds derived from the tariff. It is certain that Mr. Calhoun has never been its supporter in this light. The plan which he proposed separated it wholly from the tariff. Under that plan, no portion of the money drawn from the tariff, or the industry of the country, was to be applied to internal improvement; and in looking upon its wise and cautious provisions, we feel satisfied that, had it been adopted and maintained, all of the evils which have grown out of the subsequent abuses of the system, would have been prevented, and, with it, the subsequent increase of the tariff, and the dangerous consequences which are likely to flow from it. The fixed amount of the fund, and the equal manner in which it was to be applied, offered the most certain guaranty against abuses, and against carrying the system to excess.
In conclusion, it is impossible not to see the injustice which has been done to Mr. Calhoun, by carrying to excess measures which he advocated upon moderate principles. Thus, because he supported the tariff of 1816, when the revenue of the country required it, he has been held responsible for all the subsequent and extravagant additions which have been made to it—notwithstanding he has been opposed to all of them, as extravagant, unconstitu. tional, and unjust. Again, because he carried through the bonus bill, he has been held re. sponsible for all the subsequent abuses of the system of internal improvement, although he had not the slightest agency in passing them and although they have been adopted on H. ciples diametrically opposed to those co, in the bill which he advocated and carried through.
That bill is as follows:
"A BILL to set apart, as a permanent fund for internal improvements, the bonus of the National Bank and the United States' share of its dividends:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re
assembled, That the United States' share of the dividends of the National Bank, and the bonus for its charter, be, and the same are, hereby set apart and permanently pledged as a fund for constructing roads and canals; and that it be subject to such specificq appropriation, in that respect, as Congress may hereafter make. Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the said fund be put under the care of the Secretary of the Treasury, for the time being, and that it shall be his duty, unless otherwise directed, to vest the said dividend, if not specifically appropriated by Congress, in the stock of the United States; which stock shall accrue to, and is hereby constituted a part of , the said fund for constructing of roads and canals. * Sec. 3. Beit further enacted, That it shall also be the duty of the said Secretary, unless otherwise directed, to vest the bonus for the charter of the said bank, as it may fall due, in the stock of the United States; and also to lay before Congress, at their next usual session, the condition of the said fund.
Public meetings are being held in Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, to remonstrate against Mr. McLane's project of a tariff. , Mr. Walsh speaks of that lately held in Philadelphia, over which Joseph Hemphill as President, and Robert Waln, Matthew Carey, J. P. Wetherill, and Paul Richards, as Vice Prestdents, presided, as follows:
favor. day confirms its truth, that if Mr. Clay would decline, a union of those opposed to General Jackson would take place on another candidate ; and that, in that case, he would not re.
presentatives of the United States, in Congress ceive thirty votes.
We expressed the opinion, and every
We do not believe, that if Mr. Clay were withdrawn to-morrow, Gen.
Jackson could be elected. Much time has been
lost; but it is not now too late. Had he been withdrawn six monthsago, Gen. Jackson,in our opinion, would not now have been a candidate. If Gen. Jackson is re-elected, it will be because Mr. Clay is the opposing candidate. Such is our opinion; and the state of parties, six months after the re-election of Gen. Jackson, should it take place, will satisfy the most incredulous.
The Republican has no regard to truth when it asserts, that we have said that “Gen. Jack: son could carry Mr. Barbour throuhg, and will secure for Mr. Van Buren 96 votes.” We said no such thing. We do not believe that Gen. Jackson will give Mr. Barbour a single vote. If Mr. Barbour will consent to be a candidate, on the only terms upon which he can be elected, he will be a candidate in opposition to the wishes of Gen. Jackson; and if he is elected, it will be in spite of the opposition, and not by the aid of Gen. Jackson. As to Gen. Jackson's securing 96 votes for Mr Van Buren, we never have believed that he could secure for him one vote beyond New Hampshire. It may be that he may secure enough votes to elect him ; but if he does, Philip Pendleton Barbour must betray the south, and tamely submit to wear a collar, branded Amos Kendall, Wm. B. Lewis, & Co. Will he do this? We do not be: lieve that he will; and until we see that he ho turned a traitor to the south, we will not bo lieve that Gen. Jackson can secure even forty
“The Public Meeting which was held in this city on Saturday afternoon, in regard to the tariff, was numerous beyond example, notwith
standing the extreme inclemency of the weath; er. The Dristrict court room being too small
to contain a fourth part of the multitude, the meeting was transferred to the hall of the Musicial Fund society. ... Business was transacted with despatch, and the utmost unanimity and carnestness.” Roxank. —These novements go beyond the tails question. General Jackson, if he were wise, and well informed, would see the future in the present. Coming events often cast their shadows before them. __–Retreating.—Duff Green, alleged, some time since, that the President would be driven back to the tiemitage, with the votes of Tenness only in his favor. He now admits not only that he will be elected, but that he could carry Mr. Barbour through, and will secure for Mr. Van Buren 96 votes. He will have to admit, both that the President will be re-elected, and Mr. Van Buren elected by a triumphant majority.-Baltimore Republican.
Coxx; st.--We never did allege that Gen. of dollars,
Jacks ... would be driven back to the Hermi
*** with the votes of Tennessee only in his error first above mentioned
votes for Mr. Van Buren. Those of New York, we believe, are lost. * -
port the TELEGRAPH.
PROPOSED REDUCTION OF THE TA-
In an article which appeared in the Goat of Monday last, an attempt has been mode." controvert the statement which appeared in the Teikon ApH in relation to the “Treasily scheme,” for the reduction of the tariff. W. have examined both of these articles, and will proceed to state the result. It was stated in the Telegraph that Mr. McLane's proposed o: duction of duties amounted only to $6,310,315, instead of $10,976,007, as intimated in the ** coxl PARATIVE STATEM ExT showing the amount and rates of duties under the present lars, and that proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, &c.” submitted to Congress by that officer, and further, that instead of reducing the revenue to $15,394,318, (as intimated in that state. ment,) the Treasury scheme would probably swell the revenue to upwards of twenty millions
It was alleged in the Telegraph, that the arisen from as
suming the tariff of 1828 as the “present tariff,”
already made to the amonnt of $4,665,491, of
which no notice was taken in the Treasury
|ally increasing, and cannot possibly be dimin-
And we would have a nett revenue
of. - - - $22,215,072
under any system, not prohibitory, the imports the receipts from the public lands, during and exports of the country must go on gradu-\the present year, it will be perceived, haveliks
wise exceeded the estimates, and, indeed, have
at $30,100,000 viz.: Customs, - $20,500,000 Public Lands, - 3,000,000 Bank dividends, - 490,000 In idental receipts, including arrears of internal duties and direct taxes, - or - 110,000 .
Now, if from this amount there be taken the reduction under Mr. McLane's bill, we have remaining a revenue of $22,215,333 But, it is objected that these receipts, like those of 1831, “will be made up, in part, and largely, too, of the duties on tea, coffee, &c. re; ealed by the acts of 1830.”. Now, we should old it to be impossible that any large amount derived from duties repealed in 1830 should enter into the receipts of 1832; but, whatever it may be, it will be seen, from the above extract from the treasury report, that the receipts of 1832 are estimated at - $26,500 000 After deducting “drawback, "expenses of gollection, &c.” and $750,000 on account of these repealed duties on coffee, tea, cocoa, and salt. But it is denied "that either of these years present a just standard,” by which to measure the future receipts from customs. The “usual and natural level,” is assumed to be the receipts of 1830, diminished by the whole amount of iiie duties taken o under the acts of 1830. †he Treasury estimate would therefore stand thus: Gross amount of duties in 1830, Deduct amount of duties reduced by act of 1830, . -
rates—say - - - $22,500,000
as the amount which would probably come into
* These amounted, in 1831, to $4,385,816.
Amount of pre- Amount of pro- Difference. sent duties, posed duties. $26,370,325 - $15,394,318 $10,976,007
Now, in addition to the fact which has been shewn, that $4,665,491, of this proposed reduction, has already taken place under the acts of 1830, (whereby the estimated saving is reduced from ten millions to six,) there is this further objection to the statement, that it is founded on the duties which accrued in the year selected by Mr. McLane, and not on the actual receipts into the Treasury, whereby the whole amount of “drawbacks, bounties to ships, expenses of collection,” &c. has been (erroneously as we conceive,) included in the calculation. The “drawbacks” &c. are estimated in Mr. McLane's statement at $3,881,479. Whether this estmate is founded on the present or proposed duties, does not clearly appear. Assuming, howev. er, $3,881,479 to be the amount of “drawbacks,” &c. on $15,394,318, at the proposed rates, then (if therebe no error in our calculation,) $5,770,479, would be about the amount of “drawbacks,” &c. on $26,370,328, at the proposed rates, and as the amount of drawbacks,” &c. constitute, of course, no part of the duties collected, and form no part of the public, revenue; the account for the year selected by Mr. McLane, should stand thus, (if we are correct in the calculation.) Amount of present duties, deduct
ing drawbacks, - - $20,599,731 Amount of proposed duties, deduct. "
ing drawbacks, -- - - 11,512,839 Difference, being the amount sav-
ed to the people, - 9,086,892
From which take the reductions under the acts of 1830, . . 4,665,491
And we have the nett amont of the proposed reduction, kasthan four millions and a half. If the amount of drawbacks be greater, the amount of saving would be less. In every point of view, it would seem to be certain, that if $6,310,516 be the true amount of Mr. M'Lane's Proposed reduction, on the basis assumed, that having formed that estimate on the duties acoutd. (including the drawbacks,) instead of the duties received, the amount of actual oft must be less by upwards of a million and a half of dollars, thin is assumed. - . It requires no argument to show, that a duty *criting on articles re-exported, and on which the duties are refunded, can constitute no part, either of the amount of revenue under the present tariff, or of reductions under the proposed tariff. The actual reduction, therefore, under Mr. M'Lane's bill, being reduced On account of the “drawbacks,” &c., as abate stated, will leave
only - - - 4,421,401 As the amount, of relief from the Polic burdens, should Mr.
*Lane's billinits present form, become a law, from which ought to be deducted the further sum
of about " . - 1,770,000
(being the estimated amount of the cash andauetion duties, the bounty on ships, &c. &c., which will unquestionably constitute clear additions to the public burdens,) so that the relief to be joid"to the country, should Mr. M'Lane's bill become a law, cannot be justly estimated at more than $3,000,000, unless the view which we have taken of this subject, be entirely erroileous. - And should Mr. M'Lane’s bill be modified as proposed by the Committees of Manufactnres, the reductions effected, would amount almost to nothing. It is admitted that “the fact has been overlooked, that the reduction of $6,310,516 by MrMcLane's bill, being upon a nett revenue of twenty-two millions, the same rate of reduction upon a larger revenue would give a larger reduction,” the difference, however, would not be very important. On the estimated receipts of 1832, it would not exceed a million"of dollars. We differ radically from the writer in the Globe, when he assumes that it may be found impracticable to raise neither more nor less revenue than may be required; and that it, therefore, becomes indispensible to raise enough—or, in other words, that to guard against the possibility of a deficiency, we must take care to raise an amount that could in no event fall below, but would in all probability greatly exceed the “authorized expenditures” of the government. We beliove that a system of duties arranged on sound principles, can be so adjusted, as to raise neither more nor less revenue than may be required. We do not mean that the receipts and expenditures shall be exactly balanced at the end of any particular year, but that, in a series. of years, they shall be so adjusted that there shall remain no surplus in the Treasury, and no ordinary expenditure of the Government be unprovided for . The unexpended balances of appropriations always remaining in the Treasury at the end of every year, would constitute a fund capable of being used in case of emergency, to which might be added, if necessary, an . to borrow to a limited extent, should an"unexpected deficiency render such a measure necessary. We do not regard a deficiency under such a government as ours, as an evil at all to be deprecated, while we should consider a surplus in the Treasury as an event greatly to be feared. Besides the temptation that would thereby be held out to extravagant expenditures, the corrupting influence of public money left in the Treasury to be s rambled for, and capable of being used as an instrument for party purposes, cannot be too carefully guarded against. With regard to the concluding suggestion of the writer in the Globe, “that if the duties under the proposed scheme would be at first too high, the task will remain of discovering how a greater reduction, can be made from the protected articles without ruin to the vast interests involved in them,” the writer of this article will only say, that the Treasury scheme has been subjected to criticism merely as a revenue ineasure, and the moment protection and not reve