revenue, nothing, that he could say, would preduce that effect.” Feb. 5, 1827.-The question was taken on the passage of the bill, and, in the following list of yeas and nays, Mr. Van Buren will be found as voting against it: + “YEAS–Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Berrien, Branch, Chambers, Chandler, Cobb, Eaton, Edwards; Harrison, Hayne, King, Knight, Macon, McKinley, Randolph, Reed, Rowan, Smith, Md., Smith, S. C., White, Williams, Woodbury--24. “NAYS--Messrs. Barton, Bateman, Bouligny, Chase, Clayton, Dickerson, Findlay, Hendricks, Holmes, Johnson, Ky., Johnson, La., Kane, Marks, Noble, Ridgely, Robbins, Ruggles, Sanford, Seymour, Thomas, VAN BUREN--21. Having thus shown his disposition to continue an oppressive tax on the most essential article of consumption, we will see what were the sentiments of Mr. Van Buren in relation to the odious policy of protection. In July, 1827, there was a tariff meeting held in Albany, at which he was present, and from his speech on that occasion, we subjoin a few

... extracts, which will be sufficient to show to the

people of the south and west how he will give his casting vote, should he ever be placed in a situation to decide on the question vitally affecting their interests. He commences by artfully displaying the dif- ficulties he encountered in endeavoring to satisfy himself of the propriety of his participating in the proceedings of the meeting; and af.

* ter a short exordium, in which he gives a some

what lame excuse for his absence from his seat when the vote was taken to lay the tars; bill of the previous session on the table, enters at once into his subject; and in a speech extended to seYen columns of a large newspaper, advocates the ultra protective system throughout. He said: . ." Every American, whether his domicil was in the east or the west, in the north or the south, wished them (i. e. domestic manufactores) success. with the welfare and prosperity of the country, !endering labor productive, creating and diffus"g wealth, affording honest, if not lucrative employment, raising up within ourselves the means of independence, and opening home markets for the production of out agriculture. As such they ha'i been tegarded and steadily encouragedbv. the State and the nation almost since the foundation of the government,” “in regard to it [the question of protection) there is, in this State, with the exception of the portion of the inhabitants of our chief city, and others of more limited extent, no diversity of opinion. The policy of extending a fair and reasonable protection to the domestic industry of the country, through legislative enactments, is, and has for many years been, the established sentiment of the State. Upon that subject the gentlemen who had preceded him, had, he said, made very sensible, and, for the most part, judi* cious remarks; but here, at least, they related o o

They were closely connected

to a by-gone question. But as to the extent to which that protection ought to go, and the best means of applying it, we differ among ourselves, and should probably continue to do so as long as there were different interests, or diversities of opinion amongst us. Upon the general subject, the sentiment of the State now is, and long has been, in accordance with the aets of the government.” *. “Look, said he, to Kentucky. With Pennsylvania, she occupied the front rank among the protecting States. Her citizens and representatives have stood shoulder to shoulder, and contended manfully whenever they could be useful. Even upon the question of means, there was not heretofore any diversity of sentiment to be found among them.” *How changed the scene! That State is now literally in a blaze of controversy upon this subject. At the last session, her representation was divided upon the question of the woollens bill. Men, who had all their lives been the undeviating advocates of protection, found such insuperable objections to the bill as to constrain them to vote against it. . The elections are at hand, and a torrent of crimination and recrimination upon the subject is deluging the State. Those who opposed are accused of voting

against the ‘farmers' bill,’ and of deserting their .

principles, &c. Whilst, on the other hand, the subject is closely looked into, the amount of capital invested in this business in Kentucky, and of the fine wool raised ascertained, and the present, and, probably, the future advantages of their own State contrasted with those of New England, the bill of the last session is called the speculators’ bill; and they undertake to show, that the object of the bill was to pamper the already-overgrown wealth of the eastern manufacturer, by heaping taxes chiefly upon the poorer classes, who wear the coarser woollen3. Although they all agree as to the principle, they differ as to the best means of supporting it, and these, being embittered by personal and political contentions, are becoming every day more inveterate.”

“'The superior advantages of New York for the pursuits of commerce are felt by all, and all point to her as the great commercial emporium of the Union. She is rapidly engrossing the commerce of the nation, and her advance

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors]

the meeting to cast their eyes for a moment on the map of the State, to trace the flourishing cities and villages which crowded the banks of the Hudson from its source to its connexion with the ocean; to those on the Mohawk and lakes; to rest their attention for a moment on Newburgh, Poughkeepsie, Catskill, Albany, Troy, Utica, Auburn, Geneva, Rochester, Buf. falo, &c. &c. and answer him whether greater rosperity had been witnessed by our oldest inhabitants, than was to be seen at the present day. Cast your eyes, said he, over this good city, look into every corner of it, and let any man, if he can, call to mind the period when he knew, or had heard, that it had anything like such prosperity, Go, said he, into the country; look at every village and every farm, ano say whether the march of improvement was any where arrested. “He knew that the wool growers had not, for The TIME BEING, A Goon MARKET roR THEIR wool; For HE HAD HIMSELF Two sheastDNGS OF No-1N consin ERABLE AMoux T-on-HANI). He knew, too, that the farmers had not obtained good prices for their produce, and he could assure them that it should not be any fault of his if they were not obtained; but it was nevertheless true, that the attentive observer could witness every where throughout the State the miles of prosperity and plenty. Is this, he asked, a picture of imagination, or is it reality; gratifying.consoling, heart-cheering reality. He put it to the knowledge and observation of every man who heard him, whether there was any thing more certain than there is no spot on God’s earth more prosperous and happy, than the state of New York. If there was a citizen

of the state who doubted it, let him travel, and

he will be convinced of his error; and if he can desire to witness a picture of the reverse, let him pass through the southern States,of which so much has here been said, and if we did not return satisfied with the superior[...}.his own State, he, Mr. B., would acknowledge his incapacity to judge in this matter. - - * He owed many thanks to the meeting for the very kind attentions with which he had been listened to by gentlemen, between many of whom and himself, there had, upon public matters, been differences of opinion of long standing. -- * His situation in reference to the wool grow: ing interest was well known to most of them. He bad, at present, invested more than $20,000 in sheep, and farms devoted, and which he meant to devote, to that business.” such was the language of Mr. Van Buren. He bore witness to the prosperity of New York, and also to the reverse of the southern picture. Yet how did he act? He had $20,000 invested in growing wool. How did he vote? It was distinctly understood that unless the bill which had passed the House could be amended so as o give an increase of the duty on articles manufactured of wool, equal to the duty imposed upon wool, it would have been rejected by the votes of the New England senators. To save

the proposition increasing the duties uponwool. len goods. We give a few of the questions on the tariff's 1828, with Mr.V. B. votes. It is now universally admitted, that the most odious features in the present tarifare the minimums established by it. The three first questions show what they are, and how Mr. W. B. voted on them. on the question to agree to the fourth amendment in the following words: “Section 2, line 19, after yard, strikeout the words, othere shall belevied, collected and paid, twenty cents on every square yard, and insert, “shall be deemed to have cost fifty cents the square yard, and be charged thereon with a duty of § per centum ad valorem, until the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and twenty-nine, and, from that time, a duty of forty-five per centum ad valorem.’” It was determined in the affirmative, yeas

nays 22. -Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas |on the question to agree to the fifth amend

ment, in the following words:

“Section 2, line 29, after yard, strike out the words, othere shallbelevied, collected, and paid, a duty of forty cents on every square yard,' and insert, “shall be deemed to have cost one dollar the square yard, and be charged. thereon with a duty of forty per centum od valorem, until the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and twenty-nine, and from that time, a duty of forty-five per centum ad valorem.’” - - - It was determined in theaffirmative; yeas?4, nays 22. Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas: on the question to agree to the sixth amendment, in the following words: “section 2, line 35, after yard, strike out the words othere shalfbelevied, collected, and and paid, a duty of one dollar on every squaro yard,' and insert “shall be deemed to have cost two dollars and fifty cents the square yard, and be charged with a duty thereon of to Po: centum ad valorem, until the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and twenty-nine. and from that time a duty of forty-five percent” ad valorem.’” - It was determined in the affirmative, yo. 24, nays 22. Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas on the question to gree to the seventh amendment in the following words: * Section?, line 44, at the end thereof insert. ‘until the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hun

dred and twenty-nine, and from that o adu

ty of forty-five percentum advalorem." it was determined in the affirmative yeaso. nays 22. Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas. on the question to agree to the eighth amendment, in the following words:

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]



[ocr errors]

It was determined in the affirmative; yeas 24, nays 22. Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas. On the question to agree to the ninth amendment in the following words: “Section 2, line 51, at the end thereof insert, • and on woollen blankets after the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and twenty-nine, forty per centum ad valorem.’” The Senate being equally divided; yeas 23, nays 23. The Vice President determined the question in the negative; Mr. Van Buren voting with yeas. On the question to agree to the tenth amendment in the following words: “Section 2, line 51, at the end thereof insert, ‘on clothing ready made, fifty per centum ad valorem.’” It was determined in the affirmative; yeas 25, nays 21. Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas. On motion by Mr. Chandler to amend the fifth section of the bill, by a gradual reduction of the duty on salt. It was determined in the negative; yeas 19, nays 26. on motion by Mr. Dickerson, further to amend the bill, by inserting at the end of the 51st line of the second section, the following words: “And on woollen blankets, after the 30th day of June, 1829, forty per centum ad valorem.” The Senate being equally divided; yeas 23, nays 23. The Vice President determined the question in the negative; Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas; and On the question of ordering the bill to a third reading, it was decided in the affirmative; yeas 26, nays 21. Mr. Van Buren voting with the yeas.


It will be seen that the House, yesterday, by a vote of 111 to 88 refused to lay on the table the Senate's bill for rechartering the bank. We do not consider this vote by any means as expressing the opinions of those who voted in the negative to be in favor of the bill, as we know that some of them are decidedly opposed to it, and will vote against its passage. Yet, our opinion inclines to the belief that the bill will pass, and we have lost all hope that it will receive the President's veto, it case it does.

Indeed, if it should by any management be rejected, the effect upon him will be no less than if he had interposed his veto, and believing that those who control his opinions, will not permit him to encounter the responsibility, it becomes the duty of those who have it in their power to enforce amendments to disarm the institution of as many of its dangerous powers as possible. If we are to have the bank, let it be improved as far as experience will enable Congress to improve it. *. *

.Adjustment of the Tariff —The Albany Argus prates upon the subject of adjusting the tariff, and denounces those who are opposed to Mr. McLane's project, as wanting in patriotism.— The time has gone by when the people of any section will permit Mr. McLane, or any one else, to think for them on this subject. The advocates of free trade believe that the tariff acts as an oppressive tax upon their industry; that it is unconstitutional; and that it is their duty to insist on its repeal. More: they are resolved not to submit. The Argus admits that the duties levied by the tariff are a tax upon the industry of the country; and insists that Mr. McLane's bill should be approved and adopted, because it reduces the taxes. On the other hand, the objection to it is, that it does not go far enough. If it should be adopted because it reduces the taxes, it is sufficient objection to it that it does not reduce the taxes down to the revenue point. We object to it because it proposes to levy and collect more taxes than are wanted for the use of government. One would suppose that to those who recommend the bill because it reduces the taxes, it should be a sufficient object, tion to show, that it proposes to levy and collect, ten millions beyond the wants of the erotoment. Yet, such being the fact, the Argus, which recommends the bill upon the ground of a reduction of the taxes, denounces as ultra, and charges political and corrupt motives to, those who insist that the bill does not go far enou because it leaves a surplus revenue of ten millions. * The Argus concedes the ground of the argument, and yet denounces those who insist upon carrying out its principles. If it is well to repeal four millions of taxes, surely it is better to repeal fourteen millions; and if the Argus claims credit for a bill which proposes to repeal four millions, surely we should not be condemned when we insist upon a repeal of fourteen, especially when we show that the Treasury does not require that any of these taxes shall be imposed. So much for the charge of ultraism. But it is easy to see that the Argus is apprehensive of the effect which an adminission that the friends of Mr. Van Buren are willing to reduce the duties on wool and salt, will have on the political calculations of Mr. Van Buren and his party. The people of New York are interested in keeping up the duties on wool and upon salt, and j it is wrong to urge their reduction. If the Argus advocates their repeal, then will Mr. Van Buren lose the votes of the people, and the Argus and the Regency lose their pol litical ascendency. Or in other words, although the Argus is in favor of a repeal of a part of the taxes, it and the party cannot afford to advocate a repeal of the taxes upon wool or upon salt, because it would be unpopular in New York to do so! Or,to reduce the matter to plan English, the people are required to pay ten millions of useless tares, that Martin Van Buren

and the Argus may reap the “spoils” of victory.

[ocr errors]

To this we can only say, that we cannot afford it; them by the member from that district. This

It will not be done. The system is broke, and was also seconded by other deeply interested port Mr. Van Buren with it. persons at Washington, wao felt that their sta' ~A fortunes were in a measure made if they cold, it.

Extract o ło to the o *s, by any means, get it brought into .. thro' d

e - sylvasio, une 7th, * the agency of the General Government, and s Dean Son: Being in but moderate circum-toey accordingly trumped up a story of the | stances, I had thought of discontinuing your pa-lenormous quantity of public money that ther: Ea

per, not being well able to afford it; but I have always was in the customhouse, and of the dań. been so much gratified with your independent gor 3. inhabitants were in &f being robbed political course, that I encloseo: a $5 bill forlond murdered by pirates if protection was not To another year. You will therefore please to ac-granted them, and such an inducement for o, knowledge the receipt thereof." You have no those gentlemen to pay them a visit. Wish this . o: - idea of the change that has taken place amongland other tales equally plausible, as to the va. * the original Jackson men in this founty, since |lue and fertility of the island, its commercial the shameful outrages committed at Washing-jimportance, &c., they succeeded in getting ton, and the nomination of Van Buren by the from congress a donation, for you can callst Baltimore convention. If we only had some nothing else, to “dig ditches and otherwise good old-fashioned Jeffersonian democrat to Fal-improve the island,” every foot of which is iy on for President, we would show the Vanprivate property, isuppose every somet will .#urenites how they would come out, Go on, ask of congress, if he has not it himself, the It

• aud spare them not. We want correct informa-imeans of - -

- - - - f improving his farm for the futureland Pres o o: o men; and the the President was prevailed upon to order a * In peop - o company of troops there to assist, I suppose, in ‘g

cultivating the farm, and expend a little more * - l • * y o a.o. of a letter to a member of Congres. money. It is true that some few years agothere" o * “Bunke Co. N. C. June 3d, 1832. was, for a few weeks, at Key Wes', about fifty *. My Dean sin: The centre regiment of mili- thousand dollars perhaps that accrued so the 2. tia were reviewed in this place yesterday. We sale of some valiable foreign vessels also o had received the account of the Baltimore no- ão and it is equally true that, snce that time, * - - - - x -: ...; there never has feen, at any one time o * . It prod - - y - r he mination on Friday evening. It produced con-leven the oth part of what would induce any . o

... siderable excitement, particularly the manner
in which the votes of North Carolina were cast.
A meeting was called at the court house, and
resolutions unanimously adopted, disapproving
the nomination at Baltimore; a resolution to se-
lect a delegate to the convention which is to
meet in Raleigh on the 18th of June; and reso-
lutions expressive of their unbounded confi;
dence in the ability, integrity, and patriotism of
, Philip P. Barbour, and their determination to"; --- * - * r → --- ?
procure his nomination at the proposed conven- on a miliary point of view it has been pro-
tion in Raleigh, and to run him as Vice Presi- nounced, by competent judges, to be utterly
...' "I do not believe useless, as there is not a point to * .
. Van Buren would have got five votes in the re- tified in such a manner as either to protectit-
giment. Col. C. J. Chisolm was appointed a self or anything that might be in the harbor.
delegate to the convéntion. A committee was Should a war break out, the only possible way
appointed to draft instructions for the delegates it seems to me to give protection toyesels
conformable to the spirit of the resolutions there, must be by means of steam and floating
adopted, and report to an adjourned meeting to batteries of other kinds. At present, insteal

[ocr errors]

take place on Tuesday next.” of the enormous expense that the country will - be put to, §. the appropriation of $15,000 first o

so-- T=|given scarcely made a commencement) inqui- o COMMUNICATIONS, &c. §. Was o made as to what money has o een actually expended,i ing of course cost o

pon the ostron states TELEGRAPH. of to: ...'. and o GEN. GREEs-Sir: Circumstances having o- other expenses, it will be found perhaps four o bliged me to visit and remain a few days on the times the first amount will barely complete the o Island of Key West, I found, much to my sur-soldiers' quarters alone. Indeed it was public- f prise, oo, my arrival, that, within the las, two |ly mentioned that now a commencomin: Wils ~. years it had been made a military post of ‘For matte, it was no matter what the expense was * what military purposes it is used for, would it must be completed. I should suppose im. ! puzzle perhaps the most consuminate General|an arrangement with the Naval Bepartment s of any age to tell. might be easily made, for cccasionally one of . s

I understood that the troops had been order: the many cruisers in the gulph might drop in ed "..., upon the request of the common|if it were only for a few hours, and they, with t :"...i. "...o.o. and that the request the assistance of the revenue cutters, might ! pon ne representations made to] keep in safely the immense revenue of the s

[ocr errors]
[blocks in formation]

Extract of a letter to the Editor from a gentle-
man in New Hampshire.
- In New England, as in other parts of the
Union, there are many men, who, in the hour of
trial, when Gen. Jackson needed friends, stood
forth in his defence and manfully breasted the
torrent of abuse which was poured upon them
on his account; but who now are asking them-
selves whether, as consistent politicians, or as
honest men, they can advance another step in
his support. They have almost concluded that
“It is worse to bear the ills they feel,
o Than fly to those they know not of.”
It would have been pleasing to them had the
President, months ago, freed himself from that
“malign influence,” which has already well
migh made shipwreck of his once powerful
personal popularity. The President, unfortu-
tunately for himself and the country, has turned a
deafear to the warning voices of his best friends,
and listened with confidence to the opinions of
those who love and obey him, not for his good
deeds, but for the loaves and fishes with which
he feeds them. Instead of permitting its friends
to Judge it by its measures, the administration
sets in judgment upon those who brought it
into power, and condemns, and then denoun-
cos, through the mighty Globe, every man who
will not bow submissively at the feet of power,
and admit that “the king can do no wrong.”
Honorable and highminded Senators are abused
and vilified foothofaithful discharge of their duty,
while acting under the solemnities of their oaths
of office; and this,too, by the very creatures who
were brought into power by the influence of
those Senators, and are now basking in the sun-
shine of Executive partiality and extravagance.
'Sir, hove the best days of the republic passed,
or are they yet to come? For surely, these can.
not be they, when statesmen like Calhoun,
Tazewell, Poindexter, Hayne, Tyler, Miller,
Moore, Bibb, McDuffie, Root, Pitcher, Suther.
land, Coulter, Wickliffe, Daniel, John S.
Barbour, and their associa‘es in Congress,
and besides whom a host of worthies through
the notion, who have dome their country some
service in other days are denounced as traitors
other principles and fiends; and denounced,
too, by the acknowledged organ of the chie!
magistrate himself. It is the noon of Amerien
glory, when the principles of Old Virginia
must give room for the uncer ail, unknown
political doctrines of New York, and a Barbour
give place to a Van Baren? It does seem to me,
So, that there is yet a redeeming spirit in the
and; that the time has not fully corne when a
sow office holders at washington can compei
the people to put up of put down whomsoever
they may order to be exalted or abast di but it
does seem to me, that the time has come when
the hones, sort of the community should rise

tion and corruption, and teach a domineering
iew that they must not commit all sorts of abom-
fnations in the good name of democracy, and
then hope to hide themselves from public scorn
by sheltering their guilty heads beneath her
Rely upon it, Sir, that if the people are com-
pelled to denounce the Senate for having re-
jected a part of the President’s bad nominations,
or else denounce the President for appointing
to responsible offices, miserable men who had
been rejected by the Senate for cause, nearly
unanimously, the Senate will have nothing to
fear; the President, much. The establishments
for the manufacture of public indignation ‘‘to
order” are now out of employment, and the in-
dependent, thinking portion of the community,
begin to stir; and wo to dishonesty and political
hypocrisy, when once the great body of the
people are themselves again.
Judging from the tone of the New England
press, you might suppose Mr. Calhoun has but
few if my friends in the northern States; but
I assure you such is not the case; for there are
many here who still hope to have an opportu-
nity to show their attachinent to a man, who, in
the dark hours of the late war, discharged all
his duty, to his country, while another, now of
some notoriety, was prowling about New York,
diligently laboring to defeat the election of that
President, whose adminis ration felt sensibly
the support afforded it by Mr. Calhoun. Should
a ticket be submitted to the people, reading
thus—Jonn C. Calhoun President, and Philip P.
Barbour Vice President; such an one would
find friends even in New England; and friends,
too, quite as numerous as General Jackson or
Mr. Clay's friends would like- to see. At all
events, Mr. Barbour’s friends should urge his
election as Vice President, for I doubt not but
he will, if a candidate, receive more votes than
Mr. Van Buren will; for a union has already taken
place between the anti-masons and the friends
of Clay in New York, which will place the vote
of that State beyond the control of Mr. Van
Buren, leaving him Maine, New Hampshire,
Tennessee, and Georgia, with their forty-three
electoral votes, as all he can call his own; and
even one of these extremely doubtful.
As the President has undertaken to make
Mr. Van Buren his first mate, and soon his suc-
cessor, why should the friends of Mr. Calhoun
hesitate any longer about bringing him into the
field? -
And as for you, Sir, I have only to say—
—“Be just and fear not :
Leo" thou ain'st at, be thy c

ountry's and thy

+ :
Then i thou fall'st, thoul't fall a blessed martyr."
“And, u"concerned, may view the failing whole,
And still maintain the purpose of your soul.”

THE MAILS. Will some one of the kindest of the “rascally postmasters” between this and Washington, bave the goodness to search among his sly corners, and if poss ble extricate sundry stray copies of the Washington Telegraph, addressed

in their strength and stay the hand of proscrip

to this office? - Has Mr. Barry's decree against

« ForrigeFortsett »