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476 UNITED STATES WEEKLY TELEGRAPH. --
frequently announced by an immediate pros. tration of all the powers of life. The patient, unable to stand and describe his feelings, would lay down upon deck, and cry out with pain. In a few cases it was preceded by a pain in the stomach and head, in some by a numbness and sense of formication in the extremities, followed by spasms, full vomiting and dejections of a copious watery secretion, first at long intervals, but soon recurring every ten or twelve minutes, with a burning pain in the stomach, great thirst, unceasing agonizing cramps—a death-like countenance—a hollow voice—cold clammy sweats—cold extremities —suppression of urine-dark livid skin–loss of pulse, and the mind in despair. In most cases, after these symptoms had continued commonly from three to six hours, the spasms and vomiting abated, and the patient was left free from pain, but extremely exhausted, like one in the last stage of a typhus fever, and generally survived but a few hours. During illness the mind became depressed; and during the last stage of the disease, the pa. tient, although free from pain, seldom expressed a wish to survive. In some of the worst cases, there was neither vomiting nor purging, but the system was bound until death, by indissoluble spasm. From the moment of attack, there was never sufficient reaction to indicate depletion, or any antiphlogistic treatment. Venesection was practised in-one case, deemed the most favorable, but threatened the immediate extinction of life. In most of the severe cases, we proved the total inefficiency of all human aid. We employed stimulants, and anodynes of almost every description, and in every variety of doses —bitters, alkalies, warm baths, steam baths, embrocations, frictions, and every revulsive agent. Of these the most effectual remedy was anodynes, given in full doses, and repeated af. ter every paroxysm, or until the system became tranquilized: if this was soon effected, there were hopes of recovery; if not, nothing availed. The drink was toastwater, sipped by the spoonful—large draughts renewed the vomiting; a full dose of calomel and opium, if it could have been given twenty-four hours previous to the accession of the disease might imave continued the biliary and other secretions, and possibly have prevented the attack, but was of no effect after. Those of the sick who were under the influence of mercury escaped the disease. In post-mortem examination, we found in the upper intestines, a thin serous fluid, and a light cream-colored coagulum. There was no appearance of bile in the duodenum, which seemed much inflamed. - The probe passed easily through the biliary ducts. The gallbladder was filled with a fluid resembling molasses—the liver and large venous trunks were surcharged with blood, thin and nearly black, but not coagulated. - The stomach exhibited slight symptoms of inflamnation. -- The disease evidently was more unmanageable in Asia, than it has yet been in Europe,
where the symptoms being milder, reaction ensues, and an inflammatory drathesis is presented. The treatment must necessarily be adapted to the grade of the disease,to the stage of its advancement, and to the circumstances of the case. This is always best done at the bedside of the patient. I have here endeavored to present, on the specific points of inquiry, the best information I am possessed of; if it can be made to serve, in any degree, to promote the benevolent object proposed, it will behighly gratifying to, Sir, with great respect, Your obedient servant, D. S. EDWARDS, M. D. Surgeon U. Slates' Navy. To the Hon. Levi Woodbuhr, Secretary of the Navy, Washington.
*ROM. The N. r. Journal, or to MMERCE
CHLORIDE OF SODA. This valuable disinfecting agent will be found of use in the present season of danger, and especially if we should be invaded by the disease which threatensus, We have before us a certificate signed by several respectable gentlemen, stating that specimens of the article manufactured by J. Boston, wall street, were found on experiment to be almost three times as strong as that from France, said to be of the manufacture of M. Labarraque. The manner of using it, (i.e. the concentrated solution) is described as follows: To prevent infection from Cholera Morbus, Small Pox, Yellow Fever, Typhus Fever, &c. sprinkle the liquid diluted around the bed and on the floor; place someinshallow pans in the sick room, and renew frequently; soak the linen of the patient in it, and rinse out, before sending to wash. Dilution - 1 portion by mes. sure, of the chloride, to 60 parts water. To purify apartments of the sick, hospital wards, prisons, poor houses, ships, glue and starch manufactories, crowded rooms, &c,. &c. Sprinkle the floor with the diluted liquid; expose the same in shallow open vessels; moisten cloths with it, and hang them up in the room, changing them twcie a day, or oftener, according to the offensiveness ofthe place. Dilutions 1 part chloride, to 60 parts water. To purify air between decks. Sprinkle the decks during the day, and during the night suspend small shallow buckets full of the solution, diluted half and half. To remove the corrupt smell of bilgewater, and to destroy it in sugarships. Throw one or two buckets full down the pump well until the smell is overcome. Dilution: 1 part chloride to 60 parts water. To disinfect clothes, linen, &c. especially of persons sick with contagious diseases; it is only necessary to dip the articles into the liquid, and they may be withdrawn completely disinfected, or stand a shallow vessel, with the solu. tion, in the press that contains the cloths. If the case be malignant, let them lie in the liquid
a couple of hours before rinsing. Dilution:1 part chloride to 60 parts water.
To disinfect sewers, cess-pools, privies, * &c. Throw down a quantity of clean water, and then a pail full of the liquid ; if not sufficient, repeat after 10 or 15 minutes. In emptying very foul sewers, each laborer should have a pail full beside him, and now and then moisten a sponge with the liquid, and wash round the mouth and nostrils. " Dilution : Halt pint chloride to one pail water. To disinfect dead bodies for the use of jurors, coroners, and undertakers. Wash the corpse occasionally with the liquid; wrap it in a sheet well wetted with the solution, and sprinkle around often. Dilution : 1 part chloride to 60 parts water. To purify stables contaminated with infectious diseases. Wash the walls, racks, mangers, &c. with the solution ; sprinkle the floor, and rinse, after the lapse of an hour with clean water. Dilution : 1 part chloride to 60 parts Water. To fumigate completely a building, or spa. cious apartment. Take 1 part chloride and 2 parts water, and 1 parts ulphuric acid and 10 F. water; remove every living thing not to e destroyed; close all apertures, and pour the two mixtures together.
We give in this day’s paper the proceedings at a meeting held in Charleston, South Carolina, by the “Union party” so called. There are some circumstances connected with this movement which are calculated to induce a belief that it is connected with the late movements in New York—that it receives its impulse from this place, and is intended to counteract the effect which the adjournment of Congress, without a satisfactory adjustment of the tariff, will necessarily produce on Virginia, and all the southern states. We regret that at a moment the south should be united, when all agree that acquiescence is no longer a virtue, the minority in South Carolina should, by rallying all the force in opposition to the favorite measure of the majority, encourage the hopes of their opPressors, by giving countenance to the belief that a portion of her population should be prepared to take the side of the exercise of unconstitutional power by the Federal Government. In this view of the case, we cannot but regret the temper of these proceedings. What $othey propose by a convention called by the
ion party? Is it to be called in opposition to the will of the majority? If not, the movement should have been made in concert with the ma. jority? Or is it supposed that the Union party, by going into a convention, can obtain the asSendancy over the State rights party of South Carolina, by creating a great southern party in which their counsels are to predominate?
propose to refer their mode of redress to the people of the State, called to deliberate in convention. What objection can those who propose to call a convention of the southern States, have to a convention of their own State? Is it, we again ask, the apprehension that they are in a minority at home 2 If so, that is at once an insuperable objection to their going into a convention of the States. We have copied their proceedings, because the time has arrived when it becomes the duty of every citizen to inform himself well, and of the press to note all important proceedings, having a bearing upon the great question of taxation. rhoms. The chart.1. Estos CGURIER, UNION MEETING. t Agreeably to public notice, a very large number of the UNION AND STATE RIGHTS PARTY, assembled at Seyle’s, on Tuesday evening. The honorable Henry Middleton was called to the chair; on assuming the office, Mr. Middleton delivered the following address:
Gentlemen: The unexpectedness of the call which has procured for me the honor of presiding in so numerous and respectable a meeting of my fellow citizens as is here assembled, and the circumstance that most of those who hear me are familiar with the history of the causes which have produced and kept np a degree of political excitement unexampled in our State, will prevent the possibility and the necessity of my entering into any details on the present occasion. I shall therefore only ask your indulgent attention for a few moments. After a successful progress of more than forty years under a system of laws where power is wisely distributed in due proportion between our national and State authorities, we see in our State the elements of strife at length gaining the ascendancy over those of order, and about to destroy the equipoise hitherto maintained, threatening to engulph alike, present good and future hopes, which rest mainly on our balanced modes of government. The question whether any or what degree of protection against foreign competition ought to be extended to the products of our soil and the fabrics of our industry, alike under the dictates of a wise policy, and in pursuance of the provisions of our federative compact, appears for some time past to have absorbed our whole attention; and yet this question, in itself so simple, and perhaps susceptible of an easy solution, if submitted to the test of reason, has given rise to so wany conflicting opinions, founded for the most part in prejudice and passion, that it requires Inore than mortal ken to say whether it can be peaceably settled. A cloud of more than usual darkness lowers over the political horizon; and unfortunately,
These are times when it becomes all who re-at this moment, when the storm impends, some
use to pay tribute to unite ; and, it would seem to us, that, instead of laboring to
We keep up odious divisions, which are now the safety, willing to launch her into the to
of our pilots seemed disposed to cut the cables which moor our gallant ship in the haven of ed
only hope of the advocates of a high tariff, they ocean, and to steer into an unknown port.
should be evaded. The State Rights party
The unhappy differences which now subsist
between our National and State Governments, neither of which is sovereign, being both coordinate branches of the same complex system; can only be brought to a termination by a recurrence on all sides to the spirit of compromise and concession in which our whole frame of government originated, and which alone can prolong its existence—when this is accomplished, then (and then only) shall we feel again as a united people. To give your utmost aid to so glorious a con. summation, I am assured, gentlemen, is the object of your meeting this night. To the same object I shall feel most happy to contribute my best exertions. I am now ready to perform the duties of the chair. John Phillips, Esq. was appointed Secratary. James L. Petigru, Esq. then rose, and after reviewing, in an impassioned and lucid argument, the political condition of the State, mov. ed that a committee be nominated by the chair to take into consideration the purposes of this meeting, and to report thereon. The chairman selected the following gentlemen to constitute the committee. J. L. PETIGRU, Chairman. Thomas Bennett, Simon Magwood, Nicholas Harleston, B. F. Hunt, Seaman Deas, Nathan Hart, Dr. S. H. Dickson, M. King, John Robinson, Patrick Cantwell, James Adger, C. G. Memminger, Wm. D. Pringle, Wm. Lance, Richard Fordham, Benj. F. Pepoon, Dr. V. Le Seigneur, Richard Seadon, jr. John Strohecker, Edward M'Crady, James Lamb, Dr. J. E. Holbrook. George W. Cross, . During the committee's absence, Richard Yeadon, jun. Esq., in a most appropriate, eloquent, and forcible speech, offered the following resolution, which was unanimously adopt
ed . Resolved, That the Honorable John Forsyth,
of Georgia, is entitled to the warnest thanks of
the Union party of South Carolina, for his manly and generous defence in the Senate of the United States, of their principles and motives, when gratuitously assailed and traduced, by a Senator of their own State, in secret session of the Senate. The committee, on their return, presented through their chairmain, the following address
, and resolutions:
Fellow-Citizens: The present state of public affairs demands your earnest attention. By an ill judged and most unhappy course of legislation, the General Government has imposed on a reluctant people burthens and restrictions which have excited the keenest sense of injustice. In their opposition to the protective system, the people of the southern States have been nearly unanimous, and as long as resistance to that system was confined to costitutional means, no division of parties, in restion to that subject, could have existed in South Carolina. But the case was altogether
UNITED STATES WEEKLY TELEGRAPH. o
changed when our politicians, instead of confining their opposition to the tarift, began to at-, tack the constitution itself. When nullfication was proposed by our State rulers, it was seen that it could not be adopted without treating the constitution as a nullity. Those who had been bred up in a sincere attachment to the institutions of their country, could not be persuaded to sacrifice them so easily; and without paliating or excusing the errors of the General Government, they refused to concur in a measure that involved its destruction. But mode. rate councils find little favor with those who are bent on new opinions; and to inflame beyond all bounds the indignation as a people naturally jealous of their rights, and cause them, in considering the end, to overlook all objection to the character of the means employed, was regarded by some as the best or only proof of a disinterested zeal for the public good. The lines of party were in this way drawn—the stparation was inevitable—the difference admitted of no compromise, and the champions of nullification have arrayed one part of the State against another, in a time of all others requiring the greatest unanimity among her citizens. The Union party have nothing to reproach themselves with; compelled as they have been to withstand the inroads of a licentious innovation, they have continued to maintain the principles of the constitution, without abating one jot of their hostility to the tariff. The party whose distinctive character consists in their peculiar notions of the power of a State to nullify any law of Congress which that State may think unconstitutional, have hitherto | been unable or unwilling to reduce their theory to practice; but its real character can be easily understood, without the assistance of a practical illustration. To see that the theory is false, we have only to read the constitution; and to appreciate the value of that deceitful ca. suistry which confounds the distinction between right and wrong, it is only necessary to read what has been written with most ability in its favor. Indefensible as the argument is, that the constitution reserves to every State a right to reverse the acts of the General Government, the supporters of this doctrine contend, that such a power is essential to the protection of the liberties of the States. But it is not of such arms that the cause of liberty stands in need. If the Union be indeed a yoke too heavy to be borne, the principles of resistance is paramount to all constitutions; but to that principle, when a crisis justifying a resort to it shall arrive, an event which every good citizen and honest man must fervently deprecate, all of us are willing to appeal, except perhaps the few who flatter themselves that they have found out a political panacea—a scheme for resisting the law with: out incurring its penalties; and setting at defi. ance the powers of co-ordinate sovereignties , without assuming an attitude of hostility. The peaceful nature of nullification is strend: ously insisted on, and has been often commend. ed; but in fact it is peaceful only so far as it is insidious. If it bring on no collision with the
General Government, it is efficient; if it do, the question can only be decided by the sword. To that issue, we repeat it, no American, with the head or the heart of a man, can look, without feelings of far more anxiety than those which spring from considerations of personal safety. And in proportion to the immense magnitude of the interests at stake, should be the deliberation with which the resolve is made. But South Carolina is not alone interested in the decision. The peace, the future hopes of every southern State, are equally at stake; or it is evident that, in case of a collision on the subject of the tariff between the State and the Union, our sister States must of necessity become parties; and the nullifiers show plainly, by their conduct, that, as they expect this contest to decide once and for ever the rights of the States under this federal compact; so, in the event of a conflict, which, if they are in- earnest, must be inevitable, they confidently look to the co-operation of our southern brethren to sustain them. They rely on the jealousy of the States against the increase of the federal power, by the humiliation of a member of the confederacy, to uphold and support them, whether right or wrong. The inevitable tendency of nullification to drive our sister States into such a dilemma, reveals the most odious feature in this scheme of political sophistry and imposture. By the use of a cabalistic term, by the employment of words without any distinct meaning, the State is to be engaged in a controversy involving the fate of our inestimable institutions, against the will not only of all who oppose the measure, but of all who support it, believing it to be peaceful, and the people of the neighboring States are to be forced into a position, so far as they are concerned, confessedly revolutionary, without so much as being consulted. Not only as patriots, but as honest men, we can agree to no underhand measures that sap the foundations of our free and constitutional government, under cover of peaceful professions. In the separation of the States, we foresee evils to which nothing but stern necessity could reconcile us—a neces. sity of which we can only be convinced by the deliberate judgment and concurrence of our fellow citizens,who are united with us by common sufferings and by common interests. We have waited for the extinguishment of the public debt, as the natural period of the existing tariff; we have seen, with satisfaction, the indications of a spirit of moderation in the ranks of the manufacturing interests; yet the *pprehension that our hopes may be disappoint. ed, leads us to the consideration of what measures it will become us, as citizens of the south, and as friends of the Union, to adopt, if Congress should suffer the oceasion for adjusting the revenue on fair and equal terms to pass **y. And what course so natural, so proper, *nd so just as to refer to a southern convention !he consideration of all that is due to southern *rest. In such a convention the quesion Y" not be settled by a club, acting under the diolation of a few leaders, it will not be discus. *d exclusively by men heated by controversy
~and blinded by pride of opinion, and the most devoted friend of the Union cannot object to an appeal from the free trade and State rights' association to the collective wisdom of the south. The delegates would be elected by the people in their primary assemblies. To deny the right of the people to institute such elections would be to call in question their right to assemble and take measures for the purposes of counsel, deliberation, or discussion. The convention would represent the people, but they would meet not to form treaties or alliances between the States, but to consult and advise. The result of their deliberations would be communicated to the people of the States, but it would require the intervention of legislative action to give to their resolutions the sanction of law. They could make no law, and they would violate none. They could form no treaty, and they would do no act beyond the freedom of speaking, writing, ahd publishing, which is guaranteed to every citizen. It is not likel indeed that any objection to the legality of sue
a meeting will be made by any but those, who, by the voluntary assumption of the name of nullifiers, have shown that the constitution cannot be in worse keeping, than under their protection. But, if a southern convention is neither dangerous nor illegal, the salutary effects that may be confidently expected from it, are of the highest importance. It would not be too m to expect from such a collection of able mah, the best and wisest councils. They would have it in their power to reconcile the people to reasonable terms, or to unite them firmly against offers of inadequate redress. They would exhibit a full view of the dangers to which the Union is exposed, and by making them apparent would, in all probability, prevent them. No partisan feeling in favor of or against any candidate for high office could find place, much less predominate in the convention; and the question of the tariff would be effectually separated from the Presidential election. The moral influence of the convention could hardly be overrated, even in relation to the manufacturing States; but in relation to the southern States, its operation would be such as to render their opposition to the protecting system irresistible. But, if South Carolina, instead of this open and generous policy, should insist on her peculiar course and incur the imputation of risking the peace and salvation of the country, from a vain glorious and selfish desire of gaining all the honor of an achievement in which others are equally concerned, the existing parties, instead of being reconcil. ed, will be more and more embittered and their violence extended beyond the State. Darkness rests upon the future, and no one can foresee whether nullification may end in the aggrandizement or the destruction of the General Government. But in either event the friends of liberty may long deplore the error and ascribe the evils with which our future horizon is blackened, to the fatal effects of ill-directed Therefore Resolved, That delegates should be appointed by the Union party to meet delegates
The following resolutions were also adopted: Resolved, That the proceedings of this meet.
from the other election districts of the State of ling be published in the Union papers of the South Carolina, at Columbia, on the first Mon-city.
day in September next, to take into consideration the expediency of a southern convention, and, to concentrate the action of the party in relation thereto. Resolved, 'That, in the opinion of this meeting, a southern convention should be called in the event of Congress adjourning without a satisfactory adjustment of the tariff. Resolved, That our fellow-citizens of the Union party throughout the State, be invited to meet in their several districts, and take measures for procuring a full attendance at the meeting of delegates in Columbia. " Resolved, That a Committee of be appointed to select an orator, and make arrangements for the suitable celebration of the coming anniversary of our national independence. Resolved, That, having unabated confidence in the integrity, and public virtue of Andrew Jackson, and considering the signal ability with which the relations of the country have been conducted under his administration, we will persevere in a steady and zealous support of his re-election as President of the United States. The second resolution was opposed by Thomas S. Grimke, Esq. in an able and eloquentarument. His argument, however, was sucssfully answered by Col. B. F. Hunt, in remarks replete with love for republican institutions, and a zealous devotion to southern rights. The address and resolutions were then adopted, It was resolved that the chairman should appoint the delegates at his leisure. It was then resolved that a committee be appointed by the chairman of this meeting, to select an orator and make arrangements for the suitable celebration of the coming anniversary of our national independence. The following gentlemen were chosen : Dr. Jacob De La Motta, Thomas Corbett, jr. C. W. Martin, Lewis W. Disher, Theodore Gaillard, James H. Mashburn, James B. Campbell, Thos. Steedman, jr., L. B. Baker, Isaac M. Lee, Samuel Mayrant, Daniel Horlbeck, F. G. Rolando. Col. B. F. Hunt proposed the subjoined resolution, which was warmly received, and passed with the unanimous approbation of the whole meeting: Resolved, That this meeting sympathise with the relatives of the late General Sumter in his death; that, in common with his whole country, they mourn the departure of one of the most venerable relics of the revolution; that we deprecate the effort to involve his name with party conflicts of the day, and hold it wrong to disturb the repose of his declining years with partisan importunities; as one of the purest patriots and Bravest soldiers of the country, we had learned to reverence him while living, and as such we cherish and honor his memory, now that he is gathered to his
A farmer in this town, last week saw in a field two large sized black snakes, one of which he killed—the other made its escape. Having heard that if the dead one is not removed, its companion will return and lie by the side of it, he was induced to go to the spot the following day, in order to satisfy himself of the fict. He actually found the living and dead snaketogether, and killed the one which had before escaped. We know not but that this trait in the character or habits of this species of snake may be generally known, but to usit was something new.—Catskill Recorder.
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