then, but as a bounty. He would be apt to ex- their protection, and have to pay their quota of claim, "What an extraordinary people the the increased duties on unprotected articles, or Americans must be! In Europe, governments of the direct taxes besides; whereas, by the bill are shaken by the complaints of the people who in its present form, they certainly have a propay the taxes. Here, the Union seems likely to tecting bounty of 12 per cent." The truth is, Mr. Chairman, that the manu be shaken to its very foundations, by the clamors of those who receive them. In Europe, the facturing States would not agree to strike out Even if it were depeople cry out that the taxes are too high; these duties on any terms. here, they seem to be regarded as a great bles-monstrated that the Government did not need sing, and the cry is, that they are about to be a dollar of the revenue derived from this source, or if the southern States would agree to raise reduced too low." this half of the public revenue by direct taxation among themselves, still the manufacturing States would not accede to such a proposition. And what, sir-I ask for no idle purposedoes this fact prove?

Sir, in the spirit of peace and harmony, and, I will add, in the spirit of magnanimity, the people of the south now say to you "We know that it is very unequal and oppressive upon us, that the productions of our industry should pay The plain and naked question is presented to even 12 per cent. to support the Government, while the very same productions of your indus-them-will you be satisfied to adjust this contry pay no contribution at all; but receive on the troversy by being relieved entirely from one contrary, a beneficial bounty from the tax levied half of the burthen of the federal revenue, upon our productions. But if you will limit paying only your due proportion of the other the burthen to the necessary expenses of the half; and they, indignantly spurning the offer, Government, we are willing to submit to it as reply that they will not. a revenue measure, unequal as it obviously is,

ral overture?

Can any power of human reasoning more and will cheerfully consider the pecuniary loss clearly demonstrate that they feel, and know we shall sustain as a peace offering at the that they will pay no part of the duties proposshrine of the Union." And what do the peo-ed to be levied on the entire class of protected ple of the north say to this generous and libe- articles? The matter is absolutely too plain for argument, and it comes palpably to this: the "We will not accede to your terms. We people ef the south, charged with disloyalty have calculated the value of this tax upon your to the Union, agree that a tribute of 121 per productions; and we have ascertained that a cent. should be levied upon their productions, tribute of 12 1-2 per cent. is not enough to keep for the double purpose of relieving the manuud our establishments in the high state of profit facturers from so much taxation, and giving and prosperity which we desire. We cannot them so much bounty; while the Union-loving let you off with a less tribute than 45 per cent., people of the north are resolved to put the and it follows that you will have to pay it." Union itself in imminent jeopardy, unless their Sir, language cannot ponvey, nor imagina- brethren of the south will reduce themselves tion conceive any thing that would exhibit the to absolute vassalage, by consenting to bring horrible enormity of this system more clearly to the mercenary altar of this manufacturing than this simple statement of the real condition idol three times the proposed amount of of the interests involved, and the true point of tribute,

It must be obvious, sir, that vital as are the

the controversy. Now, sir, I will put this matter to a very plain test. If my views are pecuniary interests involved in this controver not correct, the whole tariff question can be sy, they are quite secondary when compared soon settled between the gentleman immedi- with the principles involved in it. ately on my right, (Mr. APPLETON,) who, as I Its true character and importance cannot be understand, is one of the largest manufactur-seen until we consider it, not only as a question ers in the United States, and myself. I turn to of interest, but as a question of right and justice. this gentleman, then, and I say to him, "Sir, It is justice and not interest that consecrates I will now make a bargain with you for the ad-the struggles of men and of nations. It will justment of this difficulty. You admit that one not do, therefore, to show me, however clearhalf of this bill is perfectly just and equal; that ly, that the passage of this bill will destroy I mean, which levies half of the federal revenue your interests and desolate your country, as the from wines, silks, and other unprotected arti- existing system has destroyed and desolated cles. The entire burthen of your complaint is mine. I am not now considering your interdirected against the other half of the bill; that ests, but, your rights; I am not going to try this which levies the remaining half of the revenue question by the barbarian test of power and from protected articles. Now, sir, in tender numbers, butby the principles of eternal justice. consideration of the oppressive operation of And in this sacred forum, I put these ques this part of the tax bill upon the manufactur- tions to every manufacturer in the Union; ing States, I will agree to strike it out altogeth- What injustice will this bill inflict upon you? er, and raise the remaining half of the revenue, What right of yours will it violate? What parti-by doubling the duties on unprotected articles, cle of your property will it confiscate, and to or by direct taxes. Is it a bargain, sir?" "No! whom will it unlawfully or wrongfully transfer no! no!" replies the gentieman, "that would be it? I beg, sir, that these questions may not be infinitely worse than the bill as it now stands; evaded by empty and unmeaning generalities, *for, in that case, the tariff States would lose all but that they will be openly and fairly met, and

duction of foreign industry. It is, as if the taxes upon the productions of the planters, implanter were gifted with the power of necro-posed for the purpose of giving bounties to the mancy, and could transmute his cotton into manufacturers.

manufactures by the mere touch of his wand. Let us suppose, then, that the gentleman In this case, no doubt, the planter would be from Massachusetts, a gentleman from Connecdenounced for dealing with the devil, precise-ticut, and a gentleman from Rhode Island, had ly for the same reason that he is now denounc-formed a manufacturing co-partnership for the ed and proscribed for dealing with England; purpose of making and vending cotton and and that is, because manufactures could be, woollen manufactures. Let it be also suppothereby, obtained and sold by the labor of the sed that the gentleman from Virginia, before south cheaper than they could be obtained and me, (MR. ARCHER,) the gentleman from Georsold by the labor of the north. gia, (Mr. WAYNE,) and myself, had formed a Mr. Chairman, some ten or twenty years planting co-partnership for the purpose of rearhence it will be a subject of astonishment that ing tobacco, rice, and cotton; and that, in orit ever had been necessary to labor so plain a der to save the expense of numerous commer proposition, as the one I am urging, in the cial agents, we had determined to ship our American Congress; and yet, the cardinal mea- agricultural staples to Liverpool, under the sure of American policy, deeply affecting the charge of a supercargo, to be exchanged for vital interests of the country and the fundamen- cotton and wollen manufactures, which were to tal principles of the Government, is founded on be brought into the United States, and sold for the denial of it. For, admit the proposition, the benefit of the co-partnership. It shall be and the whole protecting system is left a base- assumed that the planting company annually less fabric, and topples into ruins. send to Liverpool, cotton, tobacco, and rice,

If there were no such products in the United to the amount of $50,000, and convert them States as cotton, tobacco, or rice, would not the into cotton and wollen manufactures, and that protecting system be downright nonsense-a the manufacturing company produce, annually, mere impotent monument of human folly? How the same quantity and quality of cotton and could the people of the United States obtain wollen manufactures. Both these companies foreign manufactures, when they have nothing bring their respective goods into the markets wherewith to pay for them? and what could be of Richmond, Charleston, and Savannah, with a more absurd and stupid than to prohibit the view to make sale of them. They are, in every importation of articles which could not possibly sense, competitors in the very same markets. be imported, even if there were no prohibi- for the sale of the very same sort of manufac tion?

tures.

If these views are not radically erroneous, It will not be denied that the planting comwe have now a distinct view of the real parties pany have as sacred a title to their manufac to this contest. They are not the foreign manu- tures, as the manufacturing company can pos facturers and the domestic manufacturers, (for sibly have to theirs. Nor can it be denied that these can come in conflict only in foreign mar- the manufactures of the planting company are kets,) but they are the planters of the south, as exclusively the productions of domestic inand the manufacturers of the north. dustry as those of their rivals. There is not a To all the purposes of this argument, I am as single fibre in the whole mass that is not the truly a manufacturer of cotton and wollen goods production of American industry. Here, then, as the gentleman from Massachusetts, who sits are two American companies, each having proby my side. It is true, I do not manufacture ductions of their own industry, to the amount them by the same process, but it is one equally of $50,000, equally entitled to the protection of as lawful, decidedly cheaper, and certainly not the Government, and equally liable to be taxed less honest. I cultivate the earth, and convert for its support. Indeed, if either could be conits products into manufactures, by exchange, sidered as entitled to favor, it would be the while the gentleman from Massachusetts ac- goods of the planting company. First, because complishes the same object by turning spin- they could be sold cheaper, and would thus add dles and throwing shuttles. more fo the wealth of the nation; and, secondThe only material difference between the two ly, because the planting company would be in operations, is, that mine adds most to the wealth their own peculiar markets.

of the nation, precisely in the degree that I can Yet, how would these two companies be resell my manufactures cheaper than he can sell spectively treated, when they should come to his. But he has had the art to persuade the the southern custom houses with their respecGovernment that this circumstance, which tive productions? The manufacturing compashould make me the favored producer, is a rea- ny would be permitted to pass into the markets son why I should be heavily taxed with a view of Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia, with to exclude my cheap productions from the mar- their northern productions, without any trouble ket, and give a preference to his, at higher ar expense, let, or hindrance, whatever. But, prices. the planting company, (the gentleman from I will now state a plain case, by way of prac- Virginia, the gentleman from Georgia, and mytical illustration, which I never have known to self,) would be arrested in their progress by be presented to a popular audience without the collectors, who would inform them, I producing the most perfect conviction, that the doubt not, with ceremonious courtesy, "that protecting duties are oppressive and unequal they could not be permitted to enjoy the very

ton planter may sell his cotton in Europe, and Now, watch close the process by which these consume the proceeds there, bringing nothing exchanges are actually effected, and see if you back in return. This is readily admitted. can discover how the planters get relieved from have never alleged any thing so absurd as that their burthens, as producers. The first step in an export duty, which is paid, is not a greater this complicated process, is a sale to the exburthen to the planter than an import duty, porting merchants for money. Here keep a which is not paid. My very proposition as-close look out, for we have reached the point sumes, however, what is true in point of fact, upon which the whole controversy turns. that protected articles are imported in exchange amine and see whether the planters obtain any for cotton, and that protecting duties are actu- more money for their staples than they could ally paid upon them. If you dispute the fact, have realized for them, by sending them to EuI refer you to the treasury statements; if you rope on their own account, and making the exdispute the inference, I refer you to the com-change themselves. If they do not, it is conmon arithmetic. clusive proof that they evade no portion of the I am aware, that, in answer to these views, burthen by selling here for cash, in place of which assume that the manufactures imported selling in Europe for manufactures. If they do, in exchange for agricultural staples are really then the exporting merchant has been guilty of the productions of the planters, and that, con- the singular folly of giving the planters just so sequently, an import duty upon the one is much more for their staples than they are worth; equivalent to an export duty on the other, it is an imputation to which no one will suppose him frequently replied that this would be all very to be liable.

true, and quite indisputable, if the planters The truth is, that the exporting merchants