in the money price of the staples of exporta. tion in the United States, almost exactly proportioned to the duties, while the money price of the protected articles would remain unchanged. The unchangeable value of the staples of exportation would be no more diminished than it is now, but it would be more obvious, from being indicated by a fall in the money price of these staples, instead of a rise in the money price of protected manufactures. For the purpose of embodying these principles in a practical illustration, and of demonstrating that partial and discriminating duties upon a portion only of the national consumption must operate as taxes upon production, I will suppose that one-third part of each and ev'ery article consumed in the United States were produced south of the Potomac, and the other two-thirds north of that river. I will, moreover, suppose that a political economist were to

same burthen in consequence of this duty. But the southern shoemakers, it is obvious,

would pay taxes to the amount of one million

six hundred thousand dollars, while those of the north would pay none at all....Here, then, would be a specific tax of one million six hundred thousand dollars levied on the producers of shoes in the south, diminishing the annual income of that section of the Union precisely to that extent, as compared with the income derived by the northern section from the same quantity of the same kind of labor. The course of reasoning which I have applied to shoes, will equally apply to every other article; and, it will follow, that the grand aggregate of this scheme of partial and discriminating excise duties, would be to throw the entire burthen of federal taxation upon the southern States, though the consumers of both sections would be equally affected by it. It would be exclu

rise up in the north, and propose that the whole amount of the federal taxes should be levied by excise duties upon that third of the various articles of our consumption which was produced south of the Potomac. He would be at no loss for arguments to sustain this proposition, as a just and equal scheme of taxation, if it be true that the whole burthen of indirect taxes falls upon the consumers. He could truly allege that it would be much more economical to collect the duties from one-third part of the Union than from the whole, inasmuch as only onethird of the number of revenue officers would be required; and if it would be an equal and just system, its economy should be decisive in its favor. Let us now dispassionately examine its true operation, assuming that the productions of the south amounted to sixty millions, and those of the north to one hundred and twenty millions, and that an excise duty offorty percent. should be levied on the former, yielding an annual reyenue of twenty-four millions of dollars. Taking the article of shoes as an example, and assuming that twelve millions of pairs should be : consumed in the United States, averaging the value of one dollar each, it would follow, from the supposition, that the southern States would produce four millions of these pairs, and that the southern shoemakers would pay excise duties to the amount of one million six hundred thousand dollars. Now, it is maintained, that all duties fall upon the consumers, and consequently that the southern producers of shoes would have no more cause to complain of these partial duties than any other class of people, as all must be equally the wearers and consumers of shoes. It is evident that the consumers of the south would be subject to no greaterburthen, as consumers, than of the north, for the price of southern made shoes could not be any higher than that of nothern made shoes in the same common market; there could not be two prices for the same quality of shoes. The whole result would consequently be, that the consumers of the north and of the south would pay the very same price for shoes, and be subject to the very

sively a tax upon the producers, and would be in no respect less unjust and oppressive than if the same sum were levied, by a poll tax, upon the shoemakers, and the various other producing classes of the southern States. Now, Mr. Chairman, if that scheme of adjusting the tariffshould prevail, which proposes to repeal all the duties on unprotected articles, and levy the whole federal revenue by import duties upon those articles which are obtained from abroad in exchange for cotton, tobacco, and rice, we shall have the very system which I have described, to all substantial intents and purposes—the only difference will be in the name. In the one case as in the other, the entire burthen of federal taxation will be thrown upon the southern States, as certainly as if the revenue were exclusively raised by an excise duty upon cotton, tobacco, and rice, at the moment of their passing from the warehouse of the planters. I pronounce it to be utterly impossible for the ingenuity of man to devise a plan of raising revenue more unjust and unequal in its operation upon the exporting States of this confederacy. Such are the views I have deemed it proper to present of inequality of the protecting duties, as a system of taxation and contribution. I will now briefly advert to the still greaterinequality which exists in the disbursements of this Government; a circumstance which greatly aggravates the oppressiveness of the system, and makes it absolutely desolating to the planting States. This, sir, is comparatively a new department of political economy. The tremendous influence of Government disbursements in the distribution of national wealth, seems to have been overlooked by the ablest men in Europe, until the termination of the wars which grew out of the French revolution. The great distress which was produced in England by the transition from war to peace, and the consequent curtailment of the annual loans and dis bursements of the Government, to the extentosomething like one hundred millions of dollars, disclosed to the statesmen of that country the true secret of the immense financial resources

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which had carried them through the war, and
which were apparently as miraculous as the mil-
itary resources of the French Emperor. They
made the important discovery that the e-
gate wealth of a nation, and particularly its pe.
cuniary resources for war, are scarcely dimin-
ished at all by the heaviest taxation, so long as
the revenue collected is disbursed within the
country; and that almost the whole operation
consisted, not in destroying capital and wealth,
but in transferring them from one class of the
community to another.
| Sir, I am greatly within the limits of what I
might affirm, when I say, that taxes, to the
amount of five millions of dollars, levied on the
southern States, and disbursed in distant
parts of the confederacy, are more burthensome
and oppressive than taxes to the amount of ten
millions would be if disbursed amongst those
8tates. It is a greaterror to suppose that the
collection and disbursements of revenue anni-
hilates just so much of the productive capital of
the country. To exemplify this, let us Sup-
pose that Congress . provide for the an-
nual appropriation of three millions of dollars,
(as I fearit soon will,) for revolutionary pen-
sioners; let us further suppose that the New
England States should receive, in pensions,
three times the amount of the whole expenses
of their local governments; is it not apparent
that they would § three times as much as
they would lose by the combined operation of
the State taxation and federal disbursements?
Vermont would annually receive, judging from
her present pension list, about two hundred
thousand dollars of this pension fund. Now,
somebody must pay the taxes by which these
pensions are provided: the Government cannot
create money, like Midas, by converting every
thing it touches into gold. Whoever they may
be that pay these taxes, it is certainly a burthen
to them, abstracting precisely so much from
their annual income. The money goes to Ver-
mont, and is paid to the pensioners; and the old

ing and disbursing officers, but it will consist
of the sum which those officers would have
made in some private pursuits, if they had not
been unproductively employed by the Govern-
I have selected this single instance of the ef.
fect of the Government disbursements, as an |-
lustration of the whole. In a pecuniary point
of view, the nation loses, in the aggregate, on-
ly the sum which the officers, soldiers, sailors, -
and other persons employed by the Govern-

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ment, are prevented from o: in some pro-
ductive employment. This would not amount,
upon an average, to more than five millions of
dollars, on a revenue of twenty-four millions,
collected and disbursed by the Government-
The remaining nineteen millions are merely
transferred from those parts of the Union where
the taxes are levied, to those in which they are
distributed, without any aggregate diminution
of the national wealth. In a country like Eng-
land, having a small territory, this operation is
scarcely fest. The burthens of the taxes, and
the benefits of the disbursements, are so equal-
ly distributed every where, that the one is al.
most completely counterbalanced by the other:
In the United States, it is almost precisely the
reverse. In south Carolina and Georgia, for
example, States which contribute probably three
times their proper quota of taxation, amounting
to upwards of *. millions, there have not been
annually expended one hundred thousand dol-
lars for the last ten years. Almost the whole
of a revenue of twenty-four millions is distriboo
ed north of the Potomac, principally among the
manulacturing states; adding additional sono
lus to their industry, already too highly stimu-
lated by the enormous bounties of the protect:
ing system. In the exact degree that thes: on-
equal disbursements enrich the northern So
it is self-evident that they must impoverio
those of the south. It is a perennial current
which constantly flows out and never to:
and must inevitably exhaust any founo

theory assumes that it is so much productive capital forever vanished and gone. But, it is not so. Almost the precise sum of money which was taken from the taxpayers, is now in the hands of the pensioners, and is just as productive as it ever was. The pensioners may themselves apply it to some useful and profitable business, and if they do not, the very first persons to whom they pay it away, almost cer. tainly will. What, then, is the amount of the aggregate national loss of wealth and capital resulting from this operation? It is precisely the sum which these pensioners would have E. by their labor, without the pensions,

eyond what they now produce by that labor after receiving the pensions; and this would not, probably, amount to ten percent on the sum they receive from the Government. If the pensioners should prove to be industrious men, and apply their incomes to some productive purpose, the national loss will be reduced to a inere trifle. It will consist, not, indeed, of the expenses of collecting and disbursing, foreven

these will accrue to the benefit of the collect-
o -

ever abundant. It is precisely as it to
collected in one country were dishuoso
other; and I will ventore the opinion, that
the taxes raised in England for the lo
years, had been disbursed on the contine". th-
whole island would have been, at this mono
a desolate waste. - - -
if, Sir, these views of the permo influ.
ence of the taxation, protection, and o
ments of this Government, upon the o
of the planting states, rested so .
tive reasoning, I might be disposo o o
the results of that reasoning, However c o o
made out. But, so, on a conto
the oppressive influence of this so
tically felt; and where impresso not
everywhere scattered over the foresto o -
the sun of Heaven evershone upo o -->
timony to the truth of the exposition of
sented. The historical and o
na of the monocturing and plantino o
the last sixteen years, gives the most o
conclusive confirmation to all I o


At the close of the late war with Great Britain, every thing in the political and commercial changes, resulting from the general peace; indicated unparalleled prosperity to the southern States, and great embarrassment and distress to those of the north. The nations of the continent had all directed their efforts to the business of manufacturing; and all Europe may be said to have converted their swords into machinery, creating an unprecedented demand for cotton, the great staple of the southern States. There is nothing in the history of commerce that can be compared with the increased demand for this staple, notwithstanding the pernicious restrictions by which this Government has limited that demand. As cotton, tobacco, and rice, are produced only on a small portion of the globe, while all other agricultural staples are common to every region of the earth, this circumstance gave the planting States very great advantages. To cap the climax of the commercial wdvantages opened to the cotton planters, England, their great and most valuable customer, received their cotton under a mere nominal duty. On the other hand, the prospects of the northern States were as dismal as those of the southern States were brilliant. They had lost the carrying trade of the world, which the wars of Eur ropé had thrown into their hands. They had lost the demand and the high prices which our own war had created for their grain and other productions; and, soon afterwards, they also iost the foreign market for their grain, owing partly to foreign corn laws, but still more to other causes. Such were the prospects, and such the well founded hopes of the southern States at the close of the late war, in which they bore so glorious a part in vindicating the freedom of trade. But w;ere are now those cheering prospects and animating hopes? Blasted, Sir, utterly blasted, by the consuming and withering course of a system of legislation which wages an exterminating war against the blessings of commerce, and the bounties of a merciful Providence, and which, by an impious perversion of language, is called “protection.”

Yes, Sir, the very Government which is under every obligation, human and divine, to protect our commerce, from all foreign aggression, becomes itself the aggressor, and directs the whole power of its legislation to sweep it entirely from the face of the ocean. And where, Sir, are the dismal prospects of the northern States? The same power which has blasted the fair prospects of the south, has, by the same act, brightened those of the north. While you see nothing but ruined cities and deserted vil

es from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico, you behold the most animating spectacles of cities, towns, and villages, rising up like “bright exhalations,” and as if by magic, throughout the whole region of the manufacturing States. But, sir, there is no magic in all this, but the injustice of human legislation; which, by a process, silent, unperceived, and, for a long time, unknown even to its devoted victims, has been steadily drawing away the very life-blood of their prosperity, and transfusing it into that of their oppressors,

I have, heretofore, adverted to the extraordinary fact that the wages of agricultural labor are four times as high in the manufacturing States as they are in the planting States; and I will now repeat what I said here two years a that there is not a country upon the face of the earth where the labors of agriculture are performed exclusively by freemen, that would have submitted to this system of oppression half so long as it has been endured by the people of the south. The great pressure of the system has been upon the planters; men naturally liberal, public spirited, and patriotic. Feeling no actual suffering, they have too long and too par tiently submitted to this injustice and oppres: sion amidst the decay of every thing around them, while the price of labor has been gradually sinking from fifty to twelve and a half cents a day, and the profits of capital in proportion. Sir, I am sure if the tables had been turned upon New England, she would not haye submitted to this process half so long as the southern States have submitted to it. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. ADAxs,) has informed us that during the embargo and nonintercourse laws, New England was almost driven to rebellion. Sir, I will do New England the justice to say, that if she had been the victem of such a nefarious scheme of legislative plunder as this, tending rapidly to reduce the wages of her free laborers from fifty to twelve and a half cents a day, before they had descended half way down the scale, her whole population, if they could have found no other remedy, would have risen up as one man in glorious rebellion.

But, Sir, amidst the distress of the southern people, they are occasionally favored with some scraps of consolation from those philanthropis persons who assume to understand their condition and their interests better than they do themselves. It is stated in the speech of a distinguished statesman, which I have now before me, that the cotton planter can make five bales of cotton to the hand, upon an average, and a profit of twenty per cent on his capital. Now, Sir, I am myself a cotton planter, and I know that the average production of skilful and efficient planters in South Carolina does not exceed three bales of upland cotton, of three hundred pounds weight, to each hand; and, taking the general average, I do not believe it is more than half as much: I am also confident that the average profits of capital does not exceed three percent.

While I am noticing the speech of this gentleman, I will say a word in relation to an anecdote which I happened to hear him repeat concerning myself individually. , Alludin to the great excitement which existed in Sou Carolina in 1828, he was pleased to say that I had contributed to produce it, and to induce the people to adopt resolutions that they would not purchase Kentucky pork. He added, in illustration, I suppose, of the evanescent ebullitions of our patriotism in South Carolina, that he had understood that I applied to one of my neigh

bors to lay in my supply of pork, and that when"

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= virtues, when placed in that natural condition for which Providence designed them. But when the vicissitudes of human institutions, or the injustice of human legislation causes ahi minded and intellectual people to fall suddenly from their natural sphere, they must necessarily exhibit the most melancholy of all the ruins which bear testimony of the injustice and wickedness of our race. I will now add, sir, my deep and deliberateconviction, in the face of all the miserable cantand hypocrisy with which the world abounds on this subject, that any course of measures which shall hasten the abolition of slavery by destroying the value of slave labor, will bring upon the southern States the greatest political calamitywith which they can be afflicted for Isincerely . believe, that when the people of those states shall be compelled, by such means, to emancipate their slaves, they will be but a few degrees above the condition of slaves themselves. Yes, Sir, mark what I say; when the people of the south cease to be masters, by the tampering in terference of this government, director indirect, they will assuredly be slaves. It is the clear and distinct perception of theirresistible. tendency of this protecting system to precipi. tate us upon this great moral and political catastrophe, that has animated me to raise my Warning voice, that my fellow-citizens may foresee, and, foreseeing, avoid the desity that would otherwise befalohem. I have thus, sir, endeavored to explain the practical operation of this system, as a scheme of oppressive taxation tending to exhaust the resources, and, through these, the moral tone and spirit of the southern states. I propose now to examine its bearing on the grand principles of constitutional libo, and particularly the principle of representative responsibility, without which liberty has no ef


he demanded a double price for it, I replied “if that is your patriotism, I will buy my pork from the Kentuckians.” Now, Sir, I have no doubt that this; tory is quite current in Kentucky, and I have only to say that it is just about as well founded as the statistical statements upon which the tariff system has been erected. There is not one word or syllable of truth init from the beginning to the end. I have habitually supplied my plantation by raising my own pork. It is no part of my system of domestic economy to buy it from Kentucky, inasmuch as I can make it cheaper. But, to return to the present condition and prospects of the south, I will remark, that the most deplorable of all the consequences of this steadily declining state of our pecuniary pros- o is the moral and political degeneracy which must inevitably result from it. No people have ever preserved, no people can preserve, their national spirit and and moral energies under such circumstances. The lofty and chivalrous spirit by which the people of the south have been heretofore so favorably distinguished, is even now obviously departing from them; and I am perfectly confident that, if the fatal career of this system of disguised oppression be not speedily arrested, we shall become the most degenerate and spiritless of all the people of this Union. As to the mere loss of money, and the deprivation of the physical comforts of life, if the matter ended there, it would hardly be worth consideration. But, when the people of any community find that each succeeding generation is in a worse condition than that which preceded it; when men are not only compelled to curtail their enjoyments, but to maintain a perpetual struggle to preserve their rank and cast in society, and to educate their children for the great purposes of life, however strenuously they may contend against the current of affairs, they must finally give up, with fectual safeguard against arbitrary power, even broken fortunes and broken spirits; and society in a popular government. o


must sink into a moral paralysis, under their... I will submit overy few remarkson the ques. fluence of legislative quackery, from which allotion of the constitutional power of congress to the medicine; in the world can never relieve it impose duties on imports for the purpose of

It was profoundly remarked by Montesquieu, protecting manufactures. Many of those who that, if the English people ever became slaves, loose aware, that I neverloo they would be the most base and degraded of those who put any faithin theseo which slaves upon earth. It must be so in the veryoboy canoerive from giving the on nature of things. In proportion to the morailosol literal constructio oleo elevation from which a people falls, must be always been, to inquire what is the true mon:

the depth of the degradation into which they sink. And, sir, how eloquently does history proclaim this great truth in the philosophy of national character what is there in all antiquity to compare with the moral and intellectual achievements, as well as the military glory, of Greece and Rome? And where is the civilized people in modern times, so indolent, spiritless, and degraded, as the Italians and modern Greeks? It is a proverbial remark of travel; lers, that these latter are the very meanest o slaves, low minded, cunning, and thievish; while their semi-barbarous masters, the Turks, are manly, brave, and generous: All the com;

munities of the world, and all the conditions of any one can suppose,

ing and intention of the constitution, regarding
its spirit and objects more than to motter.
It is upon this principle that I hold that the ex-
isting tariff, though strictly within the lot of
the constitution, is a grossandpapable violation
of its true spirit, and of the go and primary
end for which it was adopted. Nothing on
be more obvious, in my opinion, than to the
“power to levy and collectimport and ose
duties” was conferred upon Congress one
other purpose than to raise revenue. Men
may differin opinion as to the uses and Popo
ses to which this revenue may be propop.
plied; but ican hardly conceive it possible that
that, und to co,

society, even slaves, have their appropriate import duties can be constitutionally levied for

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any other purpose than to produce revenue. I frankly admit, however, that the power to “regulate commerce with foreign nations,” conferred by another clause, may be constitutionally carried into effect by import duties, carried even to the point of prohibition, provided they be imposed, in good faith, for the purpose of regulating foreign commerce, and for causes which give this government jurisdiction over that o: This power was evidently confided to the federal government, principally for the purpose of protecting and defending our foreign commerce against all aggressions committed on it by foreign powers, or sanctioned by their authority. The cusus federis, without which this power cannot be rightfully exercised, in my opinion, to restrict, suspend, or destroy any branch of foreign commerce, is a violation

by some foreign power of the rights of the United

States, or of their citizens, as secured either by treaty or the law of nations. This is strictly an international power, having reference to international rights and interests. If any of these rights are violated by a foreign power, as to one branch of commerce, all other branches of

would give so great a shock to our manufacturing establishments as the repeal of the English corn laws. It is easy to perceive, that, if the food of the English operatives were reduced to one half its present price, it would be much more difficult for our manufacturers to maintain the competition with those of England, than it is now. While the repeal of the corn laws, therefore, would injure the domestic manufacturers, it would be of very little benefit to the farmers of the north. The prices current show that grain is generally higher in the ports of the United States than it is in those of the continent of Europe. Even if the ports of England, therefore, were thrown open to receive foreign grain under a mere revenue duty, our farmers could not hold competition with those of Poland and other corn countries. It is very certain that British manufactures could not be imported to any extent, under a system of revenue duties, in exchange for the grain of our northern States. Thus much, Sir, for the constitutional power of Congress on this subject, and the pretexts upon which the assumption of that power has been attempted to be justified. The avow

commerce may be suspended or restricted for the purpose of vindicating the violated right, or of inducing the foreign power to restore it. It was upon this principle, only, that the embarand non-intercourse laws can be held to have een constitutional. If a foreign nation should adopt an internal regulation which impairs the commercial interests of one part of the Union, and one branch of our commerce, without violating any commercial right, I do not think this will authorize Congress to impose restrictions on another branch of our commerce, and injurious to another part of the Union, whatever may be the purpose of such restrictions. But most assuredly, if Congress may constitutionally interfore in such a case, it can only be for the bona fide purpose, and in the reasonable expectation of inducing the foreign power to rescind the inJurious regulation. If some of our productions are excluded from foreign countries by domes. tic regulations which they have a right to make, and which constitute their established policy in regard to othernations as well as the U. States, this gives Congress no right whatever to imPose restrictions on other branches of our comInerce. If England, for example, excludes our grain by her corn laws, this gives Congress no more right to impose restrictions upon our commerce in other staples, than if our grain were excluded from England by the fertility of her soil, the improvements of her agriculture, or any similar Cause. It is, indeed, the most idle and empty of all pretexts, to allege that the English corn laws are the foundation of our protecting system; or that it is the purpose or desire of the authors of that system to induce England to repeal these laws. I have no where heard them so extraYogantly eulogized for their wisdom as in the onited States; and certain it is, that nothing

ed and undisguised object of the protecting system is to destroy, permanently, one great branch of our commerce, vital to the prosperity of seven States of this Union, for the unjnst and un- . constitutional purpose of building up, on the ruins of that commerce, the prosperity of certain manufactures, for the exclusive benefit of other States. But the great and radical objection to the protecting system, is not, that it is unequal in its operation, or even that it is unconstitutional, but that, by throwiug the great pecuniary interests of the manufacturing and planting States into direct and irreconcileable hostility, it entirely destroys the security which the representative principle was designed to provide, and converts the majority of Congress into an irresponsible despotism, not only as it regards the power of taxation itself, but as it regards all the interests that can be directly or indirectly af. footed by it. The fundamental principle of English liberty, which our ancestors brought with them when they emigrated to this continent, and which they waged the war of the revolution to vindicate and maintain, is that taxes are voluntary grants from the people, and that consequently no power can rightfully impose taxes ut the representatives of those who pay them. In a system of taxation which is essentially equal, an income or property tax, for example, this principle must operate in in its full vigor. If our present revenue were raised by a law which made every citizen in the Union contribute in exact proportion to his income, I should feel that the power of taxing property of my constituents might be safely entrusted to the representatives of any other State, because the very same burthen which they imposed upon my constituents, they would necessarily impose upon their own. The responsibility of the representative body in this case, not only, to a majority of the Union,

*hort of the repeal of our protecting duties

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but to every part of it, however small, would be

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