lt is in vain to disguise from ourselves the reality of our population, would have only half as , much revenue as ion. It would be the weakness of child: their southern neighbor. How long, then, would they be hood to suppose that “coming events' can be obviated without the blessings of internal taxes and excise duties? by closing our eyes upon them. But, sir, while I trust in But, above all, where would be the bounties and the blessGod that the catastrophe to which reference is here dis-ings of the protecting system? Gone, sir, utterly and irretinctly unade, will never occur, I cannot but remind the coverably vanished. It would remain as a dead letter upinajority that the responsibility will be placed at their jou our statute book, like the well known preamble of an doors by the judgment of the world and of after ages, is infatuated ministry in another country, from whose exsuch should be the result of this unhapy controversy. Let [ample much profit might be derived if gentlemen would those who discourse so eloquently on the manifold advan duly consider it. If, therefore, this bill would impoverish tages of the Union, address themselves to that inajority and desolate the manufacturing States, what, I pray you, who may now hold in their hands the delities of that would be the effect of a dissolution of the Union' on their Union. The minority are as utterly powerless here, on prosperity? And yet, sir, we hear the blind and infatuatthis question, as it they had no representative on this [ed advocates of the protecting system, uttering their anafloor, and it now only remains for them to make this last theinas against the people of the southern States, because soleum appeal to the justice of their brethren, and, I will they will not submit to be slaveš, and insultingly exclaian

present condit

add, to the prudence of their oppressors.

No man can sing “let them go.” I will here call the attention of the

ace a higher estimate than I do upon this Union, while committee to a few extracts from the Weekly Register of

is burthens are equally distributed, and its blessings equal

ly diffused, upon the principles of that sacred covenant leading advocates of this system. I give his very words: which is at once the ineasure of our rights and our obliga “The musket bearers of the land, the men who know tions under it. But, sir, I must be allowed to say, that i is for the majority to “calculate the value of the Union,” submit to that legislation which shall grind themseives in

while the minority are 4, iven to the painful alternative

t|their rights, and knowing, dare inaintain them, cannot

to poverty, that the wild fancies and aparicious propensi

of calculating the value of that which, in their “just esti- ties of a few men of the nation of South Carolida, and

mation,” is far “above all price.”
the manufacturing States to determine is, “what portion

The question for some in lower Virginia, may be indulged.” “So long as the father of waters roils one drop to the sea, so long may

9f your unlawful gains will you surrender to save the any compromise be rejected with such selfish and proud Union? That for the southern States—what portion of men.” “Nullifiers, who rejoice that libery confers no your unalienable rights will, you relinquish to effect the blessings, save on those who live on the labor of others.” same purpose?” And, sir, I will take the liberty of suggesting to the of the slave holding States, he exclaims. northern gentlemen, that, independent of ille value of the “The sox shall burrow in the wine vault, the rattleUnion in a political point of view—a value in which we snake repose anong the rubbish of the ***". and t

all have a common interest—its pecuniary value would be bats take possession of the balt-room. by no means inconsiderable to the manufacturing States, Heaven, and just.” even under the proposed arrangement of the duties, while || 1 present these extracts without commentary, in the con

Looking forward with exultation to the ultinato ruin

is the will of

the pecuniary interests of the southern States would feel sident hope that they will be rebuked and reprobated by nothing but its burthens. But, sir, with the people of the every member of this committee, and every man in this pouthern States, this is not a pecuniary question of profit nation, who has any regard for the harmony of the Union.

hild loss, but a

were voluntarily to surrender, to an irres

the unlimiting

guage of truth

months from t

question of constitutional liberty. If they Mr. Chairman: owing to the peculiar curcumstances in .* onsibie majority which she has been placed, and not because she claims

right of appropriating i. property to its to have more intelligence or patriotism than the other own use, they would be the slaves of that majority; sor no southern States, it has been the lot of South Carolina to tuan “has a fight to that which another man has a right be in the van of this great struggle for constitutional lito take from him,” - Mr. Chairman, I feel that I occupy a position of great their population, furnish a comparatively smail amount and awful responsibility, which imposes it on ine, as a [of the exports upon which the protecting system directly sacred duty, to speak to that majority in the plain lan|operates. Georgia has been engrossed in maintaining her and candor. With those personal feelings] rights in another contest with this Government; and the of kindness which I entertain for all, and of autachment people of the new States of the southwest, cultivating a for many of that majority, I will tender them the coun-|fresh and fertile soil, recently acquired at the minimum sels and the admonitions of friendship. snow stand up-] price, can as well afford to make cotton at 6 or 8 cents a before you, sir, as a witness, and I give testimony in the pound as those of South Carolina can at ten. They can presente of this assembly, and in the presence of that God to whom we are responsible, that I conscientiously believe, that, if this question be not adjusted during this sessión, South Carolina will not submit to the tariff five

he day of our adjournment. I beseech gen

tlemen, therefore, liot in a spirit of menace, but of adinonition, and “more in sorrow than in anger,” to pause for a moment and calculate the consequences which inay

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. I will not permit myself to believe that

onatters will ever reach the extremity of a dissolution of

the Union. B

ut as the gettleuau from Massachusetts has

presented some views to show how essentially the interests

of the souther briefly present

States are involved in the Union, I will some plain statements to show its value to

the northern States.
The dissolution of the Union, come when it may, will
be a great and cominon calamity to ns all, but it cannot
be disguised that its effects would be widely different up-
on the pecuniary prosperity of the south and of the north.

In the event o

f a separation, the southern States would

have exports to al feast the amount of forty aillions, and

the immense c

olumerce of which these would be the basis,

would exclusively pass through our southern cities. If the

existing rate of duties should be retained, those states would, forthwith, have an annual revenue of sixteen unil. lions of dollars, wiihout any increase of their burthens; a on not only sufficient for all the ordinary purposes of Government, but sufficient, in the various modes of ex. Wenditute, to convert every decayed village into a tourish

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to cause the very waste and “blasted
rish and “blossom as the rose." An aver-

*"uty of only 10 per cent, would yield a revenue of four ons, as large a'revenue, in proportion to population,

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n States would derive from their whole

commerce under an ave duty of 40 per cent. What Yo" be the amount of the northern coinmerce? Cer.

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re than twenty millions. With the same
the northern confederacy, with double the

berty. Virginia and North Carolina, in proportion to

sustain this oppressive system with comparatively little
suffering when the older planting States will be utterly
ruined. But they have too much sagacity not to see that
when the tide of ruin shall have swept away the States
which stand first in the march of the oppressor, they are
destined to be the next victims.
South Carolina, then, is fighting the common battle of
all the southern States She threw herself into the breach
as a forlorn hope, when all the auspices were against her,
and, whatever may be the result of the contest, I cannot
but regard her destiny as a happy and glorious one. No-
thing elevates the character of a people to so high a point
as a disinterested struggle for liberty; and I do not believe
there is at this moment a spot upon the face of the globe
where the spirit of freedom is higher than in South Caro-
lina. There is no vulgar ambition mingling in this con-
troversy. In adverting to historical analogies, I have been
struck with the strong resemblance between the situation
of the southern States in this apparently unequal contest,
and that of the Grecinn States which united to resist the
Persian invasion. Ours, to be sure, is a civil struggle, not
to be waged with the vulgar implements of war, but by
the sovereign, the legislative, and the judicial powers of
the States. South Carolina is fully aware of the respon-
sibility she has assumed, and of the peril she must en-
counter; but no great object ean be accoinplished without
great sacrifices. Had it not been for the heroic spirit of
Leonidas and his immortal band, who devoted themselves
at Thermopylae for the common cause of Greece, the
light of Grecian liberty might have been extinguished for ,
ever, and the destiny of mankindentirely changed. And,
ido confidently believe that if South Carolina fails in the
struggle she is now waging, the brief days of American
liberty will be numbered.
I have now concluded the remarks which I have deemed
it my solemn duty to make on this great question. If, in
the heat of debate, and the excitement essentially be-
longing to the occasion, I have uttered any thing person-

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Mr. Niles, to show the spirit which animates one of the .

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o defraud the United States; o before we are
done with the subject, we will bring to light F-o-
some other facts, calculated to startle the good THE UNITED STATES, TELEGRAPH
people even more than those which appear on is point on AT

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ousive wany individual, I assure the committeeljudge for themselves. The Globe suppo

that nothing could have been fartner from my intention -
Whatever may be the issue of this o, and what- the facts, and gives salse comment.

ever may be out respective destinies, itrust'in God that Assoon as we are relieved from the pressure

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our common inheritance, though it should be divided, will of more immediate and pressing engagements

ever be destroyed; and that we shall always cherish the

- -
fond recollections and the friendly feelings which so ap-Wo will lay before our readers Mr. Clay's com:

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ancestry. -



-- acts in the case, for “truth is mighly and o B - We notice an article in the Freeman's Bony an arrival at New York, we have newslner, a paper published in Baltimore,

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from London twelve hours later than that says that General Duvall, of Florid, “stated
brought by the Britannia, which justifies the publicly, that in a conversation with Mo: Cal-
belief that the King has recalled Lord Grey and houn, on the subject of a colon with Mr.
- his late cabinet. It will be seen that our paper Clay, in the ensuing Presidential contest, Mr.

is occupied by Mr. McDuffie's speech. The Gastoun had informed him that he never could

intelligent reader, who feels an interest in unite with that gentleman, (Mo Co) as he
the Union and prosperiety of these states, considered him one of the greate oundrels

and feel that they are indentified with the cause in the country.”

of liberty throughout the world, will want no as direct as this statement appeo to be. apology for presenting it entire. It is as much there must be a mistake some where. That more interesting to the American public than] Mr. Calhoun cannot unite with Mr. Clay, every anything from abroad, as our own vital inter-lone who knows him and his political sentino ests can be, when contrasted with that of other will readily admit. There are no two prominations. ment men in the country, whose political pro

Every southern man who feels a spark of pa: ciples and views of policy are
triotism, will persue it, and labor to make him- opposed, than his and those of Mr
self master of the truths which is exhibited in
oterms which have not been cannot be con-

more directly Clay. The difference presents an insuperable botto be: tween them, politically—and this, nodoubt, he

troverted. We askevery patriot, in every sec-lmay have expressed in conversition, botha:

-tion, to do the same.

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gives a letter addressed to him by three of the estenemy, much less to one opio

oommittee on Public Lands, stating that it was Qlay's prominent position. and to whom he

not their intention to impute fraud to the par-bears the relation, 9 ties concerned. We were well apprised of he does to that gentleman, Arnoonoo. Mr. Clay's disposition to screen all the parties in the midst of the highest party excitement implicated, and no one would have believed during the last canvass, was thereaso that he intended to impute fraud: The ques- of their personal intercourse: not have thout . otion is not whether the committee impute fraud, any time, refused to treat each other with the but whether the facts warrant a belief that a courtesy due to gentlmen.

The b o OF o dation

one so; and although Mr. Clay did not vote in e bill for the adjustmeo"

- 3. of the . ... to the truth of the claims of the State of Virgo o o
of the facts. These being admitted, we are as United States, has passed to a hido o

- competent to judge as Mr. Clay whether a the House of Reproo
o fraud was intended. The public mind is not, large as to warrant the opinion of a speedy on
at the present moment, prepared to examine ...'. upon it by Co.
that subject deliberately, because it is moreim. this for the information of

.. ied with the momento Inia, and of others who may be: mediately occupie oues: th: act, in order that their claims no be put

fraud was intended. The committee were re-
quired to ascertain and opo facts. They have

tions of the tariff and the bank; but we will re

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or forward, as the necessary finds will of course view the report, and show that the facts admit-lo. y lated to be true, prove a deliberate intention to be in readiness to meetàem when substantia

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the face of the report.
If the report was an acquittal from the charge
of fraud, as the Globe pretends, why does not

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Vol. VI................ $2.50 pen ANNUM..... By DUFF GREEN. .........No 17.


The Intelligencer, which is the organ of the high tariff party at this place, has come out in commendation of the late Union meeting in Charleston, proposing a convention of the southern States as a remedy against the oppression of the tariff; and this expressly on the ground of the impotency and inefficiency of the measure, that is, as we suppose, because it was better calculated, in the opinion of the editors, to embarrass the friends of the south and of free trade, than to put down the oppressive system of taxation of which the Intelligencer is the advocate. However a portion of the Union party, in Charleston, may feel complimented with this notice of the Intelligencer, we feel confident that a large portion of that party, who we believe to be firmly opposed to the tariff, and decidedly in favor of an effectual opposition to it, will view it in any other light, considering the source from which it comes, and the character of the article, than as complimentary, It is clear that the Union party in South Carolina consists of materials of a very heterogeneous character—that many of them are but slightly opposed, if at all opposed to the tariff, and indifferent to the rights of the States— there is still a larger portion who are decidedly opposed to it, and strongly attached to State rights, though differing from the State Right party as to the remedy against the oppression

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which its importance demands, they would see the absurdity of threatening to put down nullification by force—they would have seen that the contest is not one of physical power, but a moral and constitutional struggle, to be decided by an appeal to the principles of our politi: , cal system, through the ordinary tribunals of the country—and that South Carolina is not to be conquered but by shutting her courts of justice—demolishing her jails, and inhibiting the trial by jury. NEW YORK,

The legislature of this State is now in ses sion, having been called together }. the Governor for the purpose of dividing the State into election districts. In his message he also recommends to them to make provision for the establishment of a “Sanative Quarantine,” in order to prevent the introduction of the cholera into the State. We fear that the legislature will be too late in its action upon the subject, even if it were possible for any human exertion, by means of sanatary quarantine, or military cordons, to prevent its introduction. The utter inefficiency of all such measures has been too well ascertained to make us hope any thing from them. Our citizens ought not to be encouraged to expect to escape from the dreadful visitation, by means that in every case have hitherto been found totally unavailing.

FACTION REBUKING DISADFECTION. Under this title, the Globe of Monday last

under which the south now labor. The former will prove, in the end, to be real submission men, prepared to bear whatever burden may be imposed upon them; but the latter, we have no doubt, when all hopes of redress from the General Government disappears, will be found on the side of the State and of constitutional liberty. . The Intelligencer professes to base its opinion, in relation to the great question which now agitates the country, on Mr. Jefferson’s. We should think better of their frankness if they had given to the world the opinion of that great man, as fully lisclosed in the recent manuscript on the subject of nullification, a doctrine which the editors of the Intelligencer, as well as many others professing to be the de. oples of Jefferson, denounce as equivalent to disunion, but which that profound philosopher and statesman considered as the great conserva. tive principle of our system, through which, and which alone, the constitution and the U. hion of these States would be preserved. It is obvions that the editors of the Intelli§encer, like many others, who denounce the doctrine, do not understand its nature or cha. racter. Had they bestowed the attention t

ced as “partisan umpires
told that there is an “august umpirage,”

is repose.

assails the National Intelligencer, for its com ment on the proceedings of the Union p lately held in Charleston. We are told that the “Nullifiors, the Unionists, the ultra Tariffites, and the advocates of Free Trade, have all had their conventions.” These are all do noun;” and we are also

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We view the article in the Globe as a full confirmation of what we have said upon the subject. Even the conductors of that print are now satisfied that no adjustment of the ta. riff can or will take place at the present ses. sion. And this is but a continuation of the ar. tifice by which it labors to relieve the Adminis tration, and Mr. Van Buren in particular, from the responsibility of a failure to fulfil the ex. pectations which have been excited in a respectable portion of the south. Nullification has been denouuced as treason and disunion Insidious appeals have been made to that love of country and of the Union, which is known to be common to all our citi zens ; and a continued effort has been made to impair their confidence in those faithful centi. nels and public servants, who have warned the people that they had nothing to hope, but in the maintenance of their reserved rights, by imputing to them a desire to dissolve the Union So long as the party opposed to nullification at the south, deceived by the false hopes held out to them by the organs of Mr. Van Buren's party, threw themselves upon the magnanimity of that party in Congress, they were praised as patriots, and they basked in the sunshine of Executive favor, but when they dared to ex press their doubts of the sincerity of the pro. fessions, or of the ability of Mr. Van Buren’s partisans to compromise the tariff, in accord. ance with southern interests, as promised by the Globe, they were denounced as fomenters of di-union, as a “partisan umpire,” as a “ conflicting faction,” and threatened with a great convention, to be got up under the um. pirage of the politicians who surround the Globe, to consist of those, who, to use the words of the Globe, “have a common interest” in enforcing their common will upon “the nullifiers, the UNIONI$TS, the ultra. Tariff. ites, and the advocates of Free Trade l’” The article before us must satisfy every sou. thern man, how false have been the hopes which it has been the policy of the Globe to diffuse ; that they have nothing to hope from the Adminis ration ; that Mr. Ritchie's appeals to the partisans of Mr. Van Buren to modify the tariff have been made in vain ; and that, strong as was the inducement, on their part, to vote with the south, yet they have been compelled, either by public opinion at home, or by their own views of public policy, to refuse to the south that modification of the tariff which has so of en been promised them. Is it not appa rent, that this attempt to get up a convention of “those who have a common interest,” is intended, as well to save the popularity of the Administration, as well in those States where the tariff predominates as in those of the south, and thus to continue the system of deception which they have so long successfully practised —thus making all other considerations yiek, to the Presidential question 2 We are gratified at this attack upon the Union party of the south. We have always

than devoted in their attachment to the Consti

tution. In this we are now more fully convinc-
ed; and they cannot fail to see, in the wanton
attack upon their motives, how wanton has been
the warfare which Mr. Van Buren, under the
auspices of the Administration, has waged
against those who, having a more just concep-
tion, have long since ceased to hope for an ad-
justment of this question, but in an exercise of
the reserved rights of the States. We say that
we are glad, because we see in it that union
which gives strength, shd that strength which
ensures victory.

THE COMPROMISE. An incidental debate arose in the House of Representatives yesterday upon the question of fixing the day of adjournment, which goes to confirm our opinion that no satisfactory adjustment of the tariff can be expected at the present session of Congress. For ourselves, we have long since ceased to entertain any appresion about a division of the Union. The time once was when it was considered as almost sacrilege to “calculate the value of the Union,” be canse to think of a dissolution of the Union was considered to be an admission that it might be dissolved. We have “calculated the value of the Union.” We have examined the different interests, and the result of our examination has been a perfect conviction that there is no danger of disunion. We do not claim to be wiser than our neighbors, but we will say that few have examined this subject with more attention, and that we believe that all who will take the trouble to examine it as we have done—who will compare the several interests to be affected by it—will, with us, come to the conclusion that the Union will be preserved by the common principle of mutual interest which gave it birth. It is supposed by some that the south and north have conflicting interests, and that a con: flict for the adjustment of those interests will end in disunion. This opinion is countenanced by the intemperate proceedings growing out of the conflict for their adjustment. But we know that it is not the desire of the south to dissolve he Union, if the grievance of which they (a. we believe) justly complain, be removed. An whatever may be the sacrifices on the part of the north, it is not their interest to dissolve the Union, and therefore it will not be dissolved. Mr. Adams yesterday remarked, that he was in favor of perfecting the bill now under consi. deration in the House—that it was not a system of putting on, but of taking off the revenue; it was not a question of oppression, but of relief: that he was in hopes that, when southern mem: bers went home, they would be enabled to tell their constituents that they had taken off ten millions of taxes; and he declared his beliefthat this would tend to allay the excitement in the south-and, although he was told, by some of the most influential southern members, mempers who have always been considered as of

believed, hat the great body of that party wers|the moderate party, that the bill would not sauot less honest in their opposition to the tariff's tisfy the south, and that they were prepared to

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say to the people that they no longer had hope of relief from Congress, he endeavored to rally that majority who had on Friday and Saturday voted for the bill, calling upon them to unite, and carry it through. Why this solicitude upon the part of Mr. Adams? His constituents are opposed to any modification of the tariff. We cite this as a proof that he has “calculated the value of the cnion,” and that he is satisfied that a union of the States, with a diminished tariff, is better for New England than the tariff as it is, with disunion. Mr. Adams is prepared now to go be. wond his constituents upon this question, and we have no doubt that, if the people at home were as well prepared as their representatives, or, in other words, if members of Congress believed that their constituents would sustain them in doing what they believe to be right, they would be prepared to make much further reductions on the present duties? Why is this? We believe it to be because the discussion of the great question of the value of the Union has commenced, and that, in its progress, they have become satisfied that the Union is worth more than the tariff.

No proposition is clearer than this. We admit that the manufacturers are benefitted by the tariff; but the south believe that they are ben efitted at the expense of the planting interest, and in violation of the constitutional rights of the southern States. So long as the funds deri. ved from the system were applied to the payment of the national debt, the injustice, although grievous and oppressive, was submitted to; and now, for the first time, has the question of resistance been presented in a shape which has compelled those who have heretofore been benefitted by the tariff to “calculate the value of the Union.” This question has long since been presented to the south. That patriotic section have, through a long series of years, manifested their devotion to the Union by their acquiescence under a system which all in that section believed was robbing them of their substance. From them, then, there is no cause to apprehend disunion, for if their attachment to the Union has been such that they have adhered to it, notwithstanding the unequal and oppressive operation of the tariff, who can for a moment believe that they entertain a wish to dissolve it.

The question then presented by the south is not a question of Union, but of relief. We need not say more to satisfy every reader, that, so far as the south is cencerned, there is no cause to apprehend disunion. If disunion dbes come, it must come from the north. Let us examiue this view of the case for a moment. Let us “calculate the value of the Union” to the northern States. If disunion comes, it must follow an attempt, on the part of the northern States, to enforce the tariff. What would be the consequence One-third of our present population now furnish near two-thirds of our exports. These exports are exchanged for our imports, and their imports pay our duties. A disunion, under the present tariff, would

give to the south two thirds of the revenue, and cut off from the manufacturers of the north their best and almost their only market. Thus, it will be seen, that the Union is too valuable to them to be dissolved by the north.

Thus, we say, having examined into the value of the Union, knowing that the south are resolved to perpetuate it, and that it is the intention of the north to continue it, we give all fear of disunion to the idle winds. But we should be uncandid if we did not assert our be. lief, that the south is fixed in its purpose of resistance ; and that, being satisfied that there is no cause to apprehend disunion, they will not be content with any thing less than a fair adjustment of the taxes, and an equalization, as near as may be, of the public burthens. Having long since been satisfied upon this subject. we deemed it our duty, from time to time, to contribute all in our power towards enlightening the public mind. And believing that any adjustment, falling short of the great ends we have stated, would be illusory ; and knowing that no satisfactory adjustment would take place so long as the south were divided, either as to the grievance or as to the remedy, we

confess that the late indications of greater concert, in that quarter, and among their Representatives in Congress, inspire us with renewed hopes, which are much strengthened by the anxiety to do something satisfactory to the o, manifested by the advocates of the tai’itt.

Let us not be misunderstood. We do not hope that the tariff will be satisfactorily adjusted by the present Congress. Our hepe is that the south will unite in resisting this oppression; and we believe that the north, having calculated the value of the Union, will believe it to be worth more than the tariff; and so believing, patriotism and interest will combine in adjusting those measures of relief which are due to the patriotic south, and which are necessary to perpetuate our Union and our libery.



We are enabled to give the yeas and nays on the proposition to order the Tariff Bill to be engrossed for a third reading ; and would call the attention of our readers to the striking fact, that the vote in its favor consists, with scarce an exception, of the partisans of Mr. Van Buren, added to those of the high tariff party.

We will immediately lay before our readers the unanswerable expose of Mr. McDuffie, delivered yesterday, in which he proved that, according to the information communicated to the House by Mr. McLane, this bill will not reduce the duties, upon the same amount of inports, four and a half millions ; that, according to Mr. McLane's estimate, the revenue, from customs, under the bill, will be upon the same amount of imports, upwards of twentytwo millions ; and that the bill proposes to increase the burdens upon the south, and extend bounties to the north, by levying the du

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