There must be some hidden cause, something behind the curtain, which makes those who direct the Globe dread an attempt at amendment. Do the signs of the times, the “desertions and divisions of friends,” the loss of “‘moral pow er,” cause the parasites of power, and the intriguers, tremble in their secret conclave? With what anxiety is the decision of Congress on this all-engrossing subject looked to in very section of the Union! Many think that upon it depends the very preservation of that Union. They will soon hear that a bill has passed one branch of the legislature, laying tax. es and involving principles to which many of those legislators declare the people will not submit. They will naturally look to the semiofficial organ of the Executive for its views, and will they not be astounded, struck with dismay, to find it deprecating any attempt on the part of the other branch to amend the bill. Is it, they will ask the legislature, not the wish of the President that this question should be settled more in accordance with the wishes of those who feel so sensibly the oppression of the tariff. If he does not so wish, how grossly has he deceived us? And if he does, what power. ful motive can induce him to deprecate any attempt to amend the bill? To these questions, the people will receive no answer from the Globe. We, however, will give them one. The cause assigned by the Globe, that “ now there is no time to amend,” is a mere flimsy pretext that can impose on no one. What mem. ber of Congress would dare go home and tell his constituents that they had not settled, as well as paobably they might have done, the most important questien that has ever been submitted to the legislature since the formation of the government, because—they had not time? The real cause of this unwillingness on the part of the Executive is, that an attempt at amendment would either endanger, at home, the popularity of Mr. Van Buren's friends, or render more apparent to the south the insincerity of his friends in their professions of their desire to conciliate the south, and of their unwillingness to lend their aid in so doing. And the Executive organ is perfectly willing to endanger the peace of the country rather than expose Mr. Van Bu. ren to the consequences of either of these events.

words to the necessity of the case. “Now terrons.”

THE LAMENTATION OF THE GLOBE. We know not what better title to give to the lugubrious notes contained in the leading article of the Globe of the 27th. It appears to us very much like an effort of infatuated desperation, and we have little hesitation in pronouncing it the most singular production that has appeared in any one of our political journals. To see a journal, the acknowledged semi-official organ of the Executive, with plaintive accents, calling upon his friends not to separate from, or desert him, as the only means of preserving his “moral power,” or of saving him from being “dishonored,” is certainly not very creditable, either to the Executive or his advisers, and is well calculated to make even the most thoughtless reflect upon the causes which have produced this state of things. We cannot suppose that this plaintive appeal to the sympathies of both friend and foe, to come forward and save him from being “dishonored,” has been made with the consent and concurrence of the President. No! his pride of character would have prevented such a sacrifice to political considerations. We cannot but consider it as emanating from that secret cabal, who, while they control the movements of the President under the garb of being his “friends,” are willing to sacrifice his feelings and character to further their own selfish views and those of their real chief.

great “moral power” possessed by General Jackson upon his induction into office. Such was his popularity, that some of his friends boasted that “it could stand anything.” What a contrast between his situation then, and now, if any credit is to be placed in the representation of the Globe! And surely, upon this subject, the Globe must be allowed to be the very best authority. Then, “his popularity could stand any thing.” Now, the Globe talks of “divisions and desertions of his friends,” the loss of his “moral power,” and of his feeling “dishonored,” unless the people, friend and foe, will come forward and “vote” according to his dictation.

We shall not enter into an exposition of the

The Richmond Whig supposes that the votes of Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, seven in Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, and Louisiana, in all 144 electoral votes, will be given for Mr. Clay, and assetts a belief that those of South Carolina will not be given to General Jackson. The entire elcetoral vote being 288: 144, being one half; if Mr. Clay should receive those assigned to him by the Whig, the decision of the question may yet devolve on South Carolina. It is not for us to anticipate what that patriotic State may do, but we do anticipate that the Globe, and other resses, under the control of those who fight or the “spoils” of office, will temper their

o which have produced this state of things. Many of the oldest friends of General Jackson foresaw it; and his secret advisers, his pretended friends, were often warned of the inevitable consequences that would result from the course they were pursuing. The warnings were unheeded; they went on rejoicing in their might, and we see the consequence in the pitiable lamentations ushered forth to the public.

But what are the great objects which the Globe has in view in its appeal to the sympathy of the people’ Let the Globe answer. . . we shall have peace the four coming years!” Fac. tion and management will be rebuked into silence!” “Sedition will be awed into silence!” any above all, our “glorious Union” will be saved from being “wrecked in the raging

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None of our readers can have forgotten the


storm”!!! And all this is to be done by making Martin Van Buren Vice President of the United States!!! The Union saved and “management rebuked” by making Mr. Van Buren Vice President! Really, this is drawing too heavily on the credulity of the American people. And they are called upon to vote for Mr. Van Bu. ren, not in consideration of his merits, not on account of his fitness for the office but because the President of the Uuited States has so identified himself with Mr. Van Buren, that if he be not elected, the President “will feel himself dishonored.” is not the disgrace of such a concession fully equal to any “dishonor” that may be reflected on General Jackson by the rejection of Mr. Van Buren? And would that disgrace be in any way removed, even by the votes of the people, when those votes are so humiliatingly solicited upon the avowed grounds of saving the feelings of the President? Is not the “dishonor,” whatever it may be, and we leave that to be determined by the Globe, already consummated? None of our readers can have forgotten, that one of the principles upon which Gen. Jackson came into power, was the non-interference of the General Government in elections. So much impressed was he, at that time, of the importance of this non interference, that he took an occasion publicly to deprecate and denounce it. So much for professions. As evidence of its sincerity and of consistency, we have the article in the Globe, the notes of which will, no doubt, be echoed by all the “by authority” presses of the country. We see a press, the acknowledged organ of the President, calling upon his “friends” to come forward and vote for a favorite candidate. And who can doubt but that the whole power of the -Government is now exerted to procure the election of Mr. Van Buren 2 The identification of the President with him, is no longer even attempted to be concealed, but is openly and unblushingly avowed, in utter contempt both of consistency and principle. This is a subject that deserves the serious consideration of the American people. There is, however, another and a still more important point of view in which we have to consider this article in the Globe, and the ef. fects necessarily resulting from carrying its principles into execution. It is setting a precedent—and we all know the force of precedent—for the President to nominate his successor. It is in vain to attempt to disguise it. The object of the movement is not only to make Mr. Van Buren Vice President, but to make him President also. Are the American people prepared for this Are they prepared to sanction this barefaced attempt to change entirely the principles of our Constitution so substitute for an elective Executive, an Executive with power to appoint his successor A form, perhaps, worse than any other—even worse than an hereditary monarchy It is true that, to obviate any objections:hat the “friends” of Gen. Jackson may, on this ccount have, to submitting to his dictation,

they are gravely told, that it was “not neces. sary that any man shall consider himselfpledged to support him, (Van Buren,) beyond the present occasion.” Is the Globe so silly as to expect that any man can be deceived by so barefaced an artifice Will not Gen. Jackson feel as much interest to make Mr. Wan Buren President, as he now feels to make him Vice President And if he is allowed to do the lat. ter, will there not be the force of the prece. dent to aid him in the attempt Will it not be quoted and referred to, by the Globe itself, as full authority for doing so, because—the measure has been sanctioned and approved by the party There is, however, one part of the article which is very far from possessing the grave, serious, and melancholy aspect of the major portion of it. It borders on the ludicrous. We allude to the attempt to beat up for recruits in the enemy's camp. When his own, camp is threatened with “division and dishonor,” to expect assistance from desertions from the ent, my, shows less acquaintance with the princi. ples of human nature, than we had expected from the conductors of the Globe. But, to what “faction,” since all are “factious,” but Mr. Van Buren's friends—to what “saction,” we say, will the Globe have recourse 2 Does it calculate on the National Republicans? Or, on the anti-Masons? The movements in New York and Pennsylvania, are surely not very consolatory. From the Unionists of the south? They have too lately experienced the treachery of the friends of Mr. Van Buren, and have not yet forgotten, nor are likely to forget, the buffets lately inflicted by the Globe. Aud of desertions from the Nullifiers, it must surely despair. It may be that some of our readers may be incredulous as to the nature of the article in the Globe, and will think it impossible that the friends of the President should have so compromitted his character as to authorize the remarks we have made. We publish extracts from the article to satisfy them upon this point. When we are less occupied than at present, we shall return to this subject. The Globe says: “His re-election to the Presidency will be no reparation for the attack upon his honor. If the people re-elect him and at the same time condemn his acts, he will feel that he re-enters upon the arduous duties of chief magistrate dishonored He will correctly think that he has as little reason to calculate on the support of the public in time to come as in time past, and will have before him the prospect of another four years of baffling managemen and tumultuous faction, impugning his purest motives and seeking to defeat all his efforts to serve his country. The people will not permit this state of things, The friends of the President, whether they personally like Mr. Van Buren or not, will rally around him, and do justice to his motives and his acts.” “Faction and management will be rebuked into silence. The new ‘Holy Alliance' will be

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that Mr. Calhoun is justly responsible for what

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dissolved by the rushing of the people to the polls, as was the old by the citizens of Paris in their ‘three glorious days.” We shall have peace during the four coming years.” “Let us then rally around the Baltimore no. mination, for the honor of our old chief, and to enable him, with the better heart and more power, to serve his country.” “But if the Executive be now weakened by the division or desertion of the President's friends, his moral power will be lost, faction will be encouraged in its designs, and our glo rious Union may be wrecked in the raging storm.” “In these considerations the true patriot and friend of the Union, as well as the President’s friends, may find reasons why they should sustain Mr. Van Buren. It is not necessary that any man shall consider himself pledged to support him beyond the present occasion.” “There is no man better fitted to purify the public mind, or, if need be, meet a storm, than Gen. Jackson. By preserving his moral power, we may enable him to maintain domestic peace until our troubles shall be settled.”


The Globe of yesterday, in commenting upon our article, makes a few extracts, with a view of presenting the latest shape which Mr. Calhoun has assumed. It is not at all surpris. ing that a press which has no political principles, which does not depend upon the pecuniary interests of its conductors, and which confessedly speaks as it is bidden, should suppose

ever may appear in our columns; but the reader cannot fail to see that an editor who refuses to yield up his views and his principles to the will of General Jackson, when he had it in his power to reward an acquiescence with a golden harves of profit, has too much independence to surrender them to Mr. Calhoun, who has no patronage, and who, if the Globe is to be believed, has nothing but “obscurity to hope from the peace and prosperity of the country.” Mr. Calhoun had no more to do with the article for which the Globe attempts to make him responsible, than the editor of the Globe himself

The Globe sees treason,soul and false, in our assertion that we have long since ceased to feel any a prehension about the division of the Union; and asserts that no intelligent man who reads our article of Tuesday, will “fail to see” that the party who speak through the Telegraph are now becoming uneasy, lest a modification at the present session may leave such a gradual reduction and change in the tariff as will induce their constituents to dispense with their violent remedy. That, fearing their cry for a dissolution of the Union has produced a willingness in the different sections of the coun. try to concede a portion of their interest in the tariff, to preserve our institutions, they are inclined to persuade the representatives of these *ctions that there is no danger to the Union in their doctrines, in the hope thus to induce the tariff party to hold out, and risk the conse

quence of an adjournment without a reduction of the tariff.” The error of the Globe is in using the terms nullification and disunion as synonymous; and wilfully misrepresents our article and its tendency, when it asserts that it was calculated to induce the advocates of the tariff to adjourn without making a reduction. We do not believe that the interested manufacturers are to be frightened by apprehensions of a dissolution of the Union. It never was the intention of the Nullification Party, nor did a dissolution of the Union constitute any part of their purpose. Their object was a modification of the tariff, and their remedy was a direct appeal to the interests of their oppressors. Their appeal will be to the Judiciary, to the verdicts of their juries; and the operation of such an appeal is set forth, by the Globe, in the article before us. That print says: “If Charleston is thrown open to free trade, can the customhouses of Boston, New York, or Baltimore, levy the tax? No. The free port would draw the trade to it, and all the cities on the sea-board would be compelled to resign their commerce to Charleston, or become themselves free orts.” Nullification, then, according to the showing of the Globe itself, would be a direct appeal to the “interests” of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, which would compel them to modify the tariff, or else part with their commerce, the present source of their prosperity. And it is the knowledge of this fact, that satisfies us that the Union is not in danger. We are well. convinced that, before the northern States will permit foreign merchandise to be imported in the southern ports, free of duty, they would consent to such a modification of the tariff as will be satisfactory to the south. But we are denounced by the Globe, and charged with wishing to defeat such a modification, because we do not believe that it will take place at the present session. It is said that our declaration that nullification is not disunion, tends to allay the fears of the advocates of the tariff, and to stimulate them to an adjournment without a compromise. In reply to this we have only to say that we believe that the advocates of a high tariff fear nullification as much as disunion. And that, inasmuch as its operation is directly upon its interest, the apprehension that it will be resort, d to will have much more influence in prompting them to a modification of the tariff, than all the idle clamor about disunion. . It is now well understood that the latter is a mere electioneering device, intended to cloak the love of gain in one section and of office in another. But, says the Globe, “what is the nullification of the revenue laws, but a dissolution of the Government.” “And if South Carolina resists the revenue laws, must not the General Government enforce them at the expense of civil war, or resign its power, and permit a quiet dissolution of the confederacy.” To this we will reply, as before, that nullifi. cation is not disunion. That a civil war will not follow nullification. And we cite the case

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of Georgia; her refusal to submit to the inter

Resolved, That much as we should deprecate

course laws of 1802; the extension of her juris- the secession of any State from our Union, diction over, and the occupation of Indian lands caused by a difference of opinion on the course within her territory, and the acquiescence of of the national policy, yet we regard such a se. the General Government in her proceedings, cession preferable to the sacrifice of the prin

as a proof that a refusal on the part of a State to submit to what she conceives to be an unconstitutional law, is not disunion. Is the Union dissolved by Georgia? Has a civil war followed, or is her proceedings entitled to more forbearance on the part of the General Government, because she has acted by her Legislature, than it would have been if she had acted in the more solemn manner, (by a convention,) as South Carolina proposes to do? One word more. It is time that this solemn mockery about a devotion to the Union, on the part of the parasites of power should cease. All must now see that, with the adherents of Mr. Van Buren, those who are prating about compromise, Presidential considerations control all others. With them it matters not what is the general policy of the Government. They care not how unjust the operation of the system; they care not for the oppression of any 'section, provided they are left in the possession of the “spoils” of office. And all must see that the object of their continual abuse of Mr. Calhoun, who is not a candidate for office, is intended to counteract the objections which the people have to Mr. Van Buren on account of his intrigues for office, hoping to induce a belief that they are equally ambitious, and to make up for Mr. Van Buren's want of patriotism, by considering Mr. Calhoun as his rival, and attributing to a selfish ambition those great measures of public policy which, in fact, look to perpetuating the Union and our liberty: The answer to this is, that, while Mr. Calhoun withdraws from all competition to office, devoting himself to his country in this great crisis, Mr. Van Buren resorts to the most degrading artifices to force himself upon the people as a candidate for popular favor. —r—— THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM. At “a meeting of farmers, manufacturers, mechanics, and others, interested in the protection of American industry,” held in Concord, Middlesex county, Mass., on the 13th, the following resolutions, among others, were unanimously adopted: Resolved, That this system has been, and of right ought to be, the fixed and determined policy of the American government. Toesolved, That this system is one and indivisible, extending its protection to every branch of our industry, and that we regard any measure which denies, or withdraws this protection from any one branch, as a virtual abandonment of the principle. o JResolved, That any measure tending to impair the faith of the people in this settled protective policy of our government, would be rui. mous in its immediate consequences, and the abandonment of the system would be fatal to the agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing interests of the whole community. *

ciple of the protective system. * Resolved, That we are determined, at all hazards, by all constitutional means, to maintain the protective system with untiring zeal and unshrinking boldness. The above may be considered as a manifesto of the manufacturing capitalists. Similar sentiments have been advanced at other public meetings of the manufacturers, and have been accompanied by similar resolutions. The object in view has been two-fold. To operate on Congress, and to alarm the south—to excite the fears of the timid, and, by acting on the patriot tism of the south, deter them from pursuing the course which has been so long marked out. In the one they have succeeded to ther imost san. guine expectations; but we feel certain that they will completely fail in the other. The protective system more valuable than the Union! Is this the real opinion of our brethren of the north. We confess that we have oo high an opinion of their sagacity to imagine for a moment that they would prefer a separation of the Union to such a modification of the tariff as will be satisfactory to the south. The great capitalists may bluster, and threaten, and talk about the great importance of the system, for they feel that to them it is important; but this feeling does not extend to the people at large. Their interest, if any, is remote and slight, and if the question is put to them—the protective system or dissolution of the Uniou? who can doubt as to what will be the answer! But is disunion preferable to a modification of the tariff, even to the capitalist? If this be the case, it can only be so because certain ef. fects will result from the separation that wil compensate to the tariff States for the pecuniary loss they would sustain from the desired modification of the tariff. What are the effects that must necessarily result? In the first place, a total loss of the carrying trade of the south. The shipping interest of the north must necessarily fall an immediate sacrifice. Will this be any compensation? Another result will be, that a large portion of that commerce which now centers in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, will necessarily be transferred to cities further south. This is inevitable; and will this be any compensation? Another effect will be, that the large portion of the public revenue which is collected in the south, and which has constantly been expended in other sections, will nolonger take that direction. It will be expended where it was collected, and thus stimulate southern industry. This, oy, will not be considered any compensatort. The different effects that will be produced on revenue and taxation in the two sections are deserving of consideration. The south, having a large body of exports, will diminish the import duty, and still have comparatively an overflowing treatury. The tariff States, whose exports are comparatively of small amount, must either increase their duties, or have recourse to direct taxes. Will the people submit to this? Will they consider such a state of things as prefera. ble to a modified tariff? as a compensation for a dissolution of the Union? But there is another effect which will result from the measure so coolly contemplated by the manufacturer, and which we beg them coolly to reflect upon, as it is one in which they are more particularly interested than any other portion of the community. In case of a separation,

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where would be the market for the numerous

manufactures of the north? Must they not accumulate on their hands? And, if ruin and destruction is to follow a modification of the tarift, will a compensation be found in the total loss of the southern market? According to their own showing, they must lose their market. It will not do to say, that under the mere revenue duty of the south, they could compete with the foreign manufacturer. If this be the case, why need they dread competition under a modified tariff There will be no dissolution of the Union. The south, under any modification, must pay the largest portionable portion of the revenue; and as it will not be the interest of the north, that section will not consent to dissolve the Union, under any contemplated modification. We repeat that the Union is safe.

SOUTH CAROLINA. Can the Union Party, with its Southern Con. vention, long withstand the many buffets it receives on every side? Internal dissension—se. cret foes—pretended friends becoming open enemies, all conspire to show how impolitic is the course they wish to pursue. The desertion of Mr. Grimke & Co. must • have been a shock; but what is that to the de. nunciations of the Globe? From that quarter, at least, they had a right to expect sympathy and assistance. They had been true friends to the administration; but being now considered as no longer useful in furthering the ambitious views of Mr. Van Buren, they are “whistled down the wind,” and turned over to meet the contest with their opponents; under the sneering denunciation of being “partisan umpires,” and ranked by the Globe under the same category with “nullifiers and ultra-tariffites.” “Partisan umpires,” “disaffection,” “conflicting factions!!” Even those who dissent from the principles of the Union party, must feel indignant at so wanton an attack, and at the ingratitude of those of whom the Giobe is the organ. The Union Party must now see that the only mode of escaping denunciation is unlimited devotion, and unqualified obedience. Are they prepared for that?

ANTI-MASONIC STATE CONVENTION OF NEW YORK. The Albany Argus, the organ of the Regen‘y, in noticing the Utica Convention, contains the following remarks: *

“Judging from the names, so far as they are known to us, it is the coalition, as palpable as the thing can be, and need not be formally announced by the contracting parties. Clay men, masons, and anti-masons alternate through this combination of the factions; and this is the quid pro quo for the support, by the Clay partisans, of the anti-masonic candidates for Governor and Lieut. Governor. The whole scheme is now apparent. We shall see how far the honest portions of both parties will consent to the transfer. The idea of a Clay State convention is the merest humbug. No such is to be held, or intended to be held. The bargain is completed; and even the mockery of its ratification by the Clay partisans, (for that is all that another Utica Convention would think of doing,) will be avoided.” Comments are needless. The Regency feel that their throne is tottering.


Such is the Protean nature of the Globe, that we find it difficult to ascertain its real views relative to the tariff. It at one time denounces the State Rights Party for contending against the protective principle; and it now, with equal virulence, abuses those who advocate the printiple. We always thought that the editor did not understand, or wilfully misunderstood, the subject upon which he was so often descanting. He has, however, lately made a discovery which seems to have produced in himself no little excitement, accompanied with its due share of astonishment. In consequence of this great discovery, the full phials of wrath are abundantly poured out upon the devoted heads

good—let it be so. But, such is the total ignorance of the editor of the Globe of the nature and operation of the protective principle, and of the science of political economy in general, that he does not perceive that Mr. Van Buren and his friends in New York and Pennsylvania are equally liable to the denunciations which he has so liberally—we do not say undeservedly-bestowed upon those whom he choses to denominateaultra-tariffites. The notable discovery made by the Globe, as we are told, in consequence of a speech of Mr. Appleton, is, that the advocates of a high-tariff now ask an insurance against the revulsions and fluctuations of trade, or against any accidental diminution that may take place in the price of the foreign article. This the Globe affects to consider as a new and monstrous proposition, now, for the first time, disclosed to the view of the American people. We scarcely know whether to consider this gross ignorance real or assumed. Is it possible that the Globe does not know that the principle advanced by Mr. Appleton is, from the very nature of things, ne— cessarily connected with the principle of protection? The denunciations of the Globe recoil upon Mr. Van Buren and his friends in Congress. There is not one of them but will tell him, that

when the particular manufacture which he has

of the warmest friends of the tariff. Well, and .

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