of Georgia; her refusal to submit to the inter- Resolved, That much as we should deprecate course laws of 1802; the extension of her juris- the secession of any State from our Union, diction over, and the occupation of Indian lands caused by a difference of opinion on the course within her territory, and the acquiescence of of the national policy, yet we regard such a sethe General Government in her proceedings, cession preferable to the sacrifice of the prin as a proof that a refusal on the part of a State ciple of the protective system.

to submit to what she conceives to be an un- Resolved, That we are determined, at all haconstitutional law, is not disunion. Is the U-zards, by all constitutional means, to maintain nion dissolved by Georgia? Has a civil war the protective system with untiring zeal and followed, or is her proceedings entitled to more unshrinking boldness.

forbearance on the part of the General Govern- The above may be considered as a manifesto ment, because she has acted by her Legisla- of the manufacturing capitalists. Similar sentiture, than it would have been if she had acted ments have been advanced at other public meetin the more solemn manner, (by a convention,) ings of the manufacturers, and have been ac as South Carolina proposes to do? companied by similar resolutions. The object One word more. It is time that this solemn in view has been two-fold. To operate on Con. mockery about a devotion to the Union, on the gress, and to alarm the south-to excite the part of the parasites of power should cease: fears of the timid, and, by acting on the patriot All must now see that, with the adherents of tism of the south, deter them from pursuing the Mr. Van Buren, those who are prating about course which has been so long marked out. In compromise, Presidential considerations con- the one they have succeeded to ther imost santrol all others. With them it matters not what guine expectations; but we feel certain that is the general policy of the Government. They they will completely fail in the other. care not how unjust the operation of the sys- The protective system more valuable than tem; they care not for the oppression of any the Union! Is this the real opinion of our bre'section, provided they are left in the possession thren of the north. We confess that we have of the spoils" of office. And all must see oo high an opinion of their sagacity to imagine that the object of their continual abuse of Mr. for a moment that they would prefer a separaCalhoun, who is not a candidate for office, is tion of the Union to such a modification of the intended to counteract the objections which tariff as will be satisfactory to the south. The the people have to Mr. Van Buren on account great capitalists may bluster, and threaten, and of his intrigues for office, hoping to induce a talk about the great importance of the system, belief that they are equally ambitious, and to for they feel that to them it is important; but make up for Mr. Van Buren's want of patriot- this feeling does not extend to the people at ism, by considering Mr. Calhoun as his rival, large. Their interest, if any, is remote and and attributing to a selfish ambition those great slight, and if the question is put to them-the measures of public policy which, in fact, look protective system or dissolution of the Union? to perpetuating the Union and our liberty. The who can doubt as to what will be the answer? answer to this is, that, while Mr. Calhoun But is disunion preferable to a modification withdraws from all competition to office, devoting himself to his country in this great crisis, Mr. Van Buren resorts to the most degrading artifices to force himself upon the people as a candidate for popular favor.

THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM. At "a meeting of farmers, manufacturers, mechanics, and others, interested in the protection of American industry," held in Concord, Middlesex county, Mass., on the 13th, the following resolutions, among others, were unanimously adopted:

of the tariff, even to the capitalist? If this be the case, it can only be so because certain effects will result from the separation that wil compensate to the tariff States for the pecuniary loss they would sustain from the desired modification of the tariff. What are the effects that must necessarily result? In the first place, a total loss of the carrying trade of the south. The shipping interest of the north must necessarily fall an immediate sacrifice. Will this be any compensation?

Another result will be, that a large portion of that commerce which now centers in Boston, Resolved, That this system has been, and of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, will right ought to be, the fixed and determined po- necessarily be transferred to cities further licy of the American government. south. This is inevitable; and will this be any

Resolved, That this system is one and indivi- compensation? sible, extending its protection to every branch Another effect will be, that the large portion of our industry, and that we regard any mea- of the public revenue which is collected in the sure which denies, or withdraws this protection south, and which has constantly been expended from any one branch, as a virtual abandonment in other sections, will no longer take that direcof the principle. tion. It will be expended where it was collect

Resolved, That any measure tending to im-ed, and thus stimulate southern industry. This, pair the faith of the people in this settled pro- surely, will not be considered any compensatective policy of our government, would be rui- tion. nous in its immediate consequences, and the The different effects that will be produced on abandonment of the system would be fatal to revenue and taxation in the two sections are dethe agricultural, commercial, and manufactu- serving of consideration. The south, having a ring interests of the whole community. large body of exports, will diminish the import

under his special charge has arrived; (if it ever stituent or representative body, but we hope shall arrive,) at that point that it can be pro- they will forgive the bizarre compliment, and duced here at the same cost that it can be ordi-that as good, faithful and loyal subjects of him, narily imported, there will still be a necessity who, as the Globe tells, us, was born to comfor a tariff sufficient to protect it against the mand," they will yield to its entreaties, and not "revulsions" and "fluctuations" of price in fo- suffer opinions entertained without anticipa reign countries. ting the present crisis in our affairs to remain But they are not satisfied with this-they are unmodified by the pressing exigencies of that not even satisfied with what the Globe declares crisis." Stripping this of its verbiage, and exthe south are willing to offer-"a protection of panding the ideas, let us see what it amounts $12,000,000, purposely levied on imports with to. Certain friends of the administration, who that view." For this, Mr. Clay and his politi- have heretofore sanctioned the views of this cal friends are denounced by the Globe as "base and bitter faction," by their opinions re"cold blooded," "avaricious monopolists"-as lative to the tariff, are called upon to change "the bitterest and basest faction that ever their opinions. Now what were their opinions? threatened the peace and freedom of the coun- Unquestionably they were, that the duties imtry." The editor does not wish to appear to see posed by the tariff of 1828, were necessary for how closely the partisans of Mr. Van Buren ap- the protection of the domestic manufactory, proximate to the "base and bitter faction." A and that without that protection the domestic few per cent. is the only difference between manufac ory could not withstand the foreign them. As to principle, they agree precisely-competition. Upon these grounds, and upon no discordancy in that. Domestic industry these alone, did Mr. Van Buren, and those who must be protected. But where the "base and voted for the tariff of 1828, vote for it and debitter faction" want 90 per cent., the disinte. fend it down to the present time. They are rested patriots who come forward so nobly to now called upon to change their opinions, and "preserve the Union," think that the manufacto confess and show by their votes, that they do turer can get on with 70 or 80. Where one not think that the domestic manufactory recontends for 40, the other is satisfied with 30. quires a protecting duty to the amount they One is for 20 per cent., and the other for 15-have all along been contending that they did and this is undeniably the whole and sole diffe- require. In other words, to confess the falserence between the base and bitter faction," hood of all they have been saying relative to the and the Van Buren tariff men; and in this very tariff since the passing of the act of 1828. And article under consideration, it is indirectly ac this they are to do, not beacause they really are knowledged by calling on "those friends of the convinced that their opinion was wrong, but administration," who, from "local ir terests, or they must change their opinion, or confess they party views," have hitherto sanctioned "those have changed it, on account of the "pressing, fell and ultra pretensions which threaten to be-exigencies of the crisis." Now, what are the come the turning point between peace and dis-"pressing exigencies of the crisis," which is to cord," no longer to do so. cause this change in their opinion as to what

We wish our readers to reflect a little upon amount of duty is requisite to enable the do"those few and ultra pretensions." What are mestic manufacturer to withstand the foreign they? They are neither more nor less than the manufacturer? It is nothing more nor less, than tariff of 1828, and the universally acknowledged that the south are determined no longer to subprinciples of the protective system. Mr. Van mit to the tariff of 1828, or to any taff approxiBuren voted for the tariff of 1828, which he mating closely to it. It resolves itself then, and his northern friends have ever since de-simply to this, that so long as the south will pafended upon policy as well as upon principle, tiently submit to a certain rate of duty, so long thus completely identifying themselves with the will it be the opinion of these tar.fffriends of "base and bitter faction," whom they are now the administration," that the rate of duty is incalling upon to desert in the "present crisis in dispensably requisite for the protection of doour affairs." That is, lower the tariff a little, to mestic industry; but when the south comes to get Mr. Van Buren madec Vie President, for as determination no longer to submit, then, and the editor of the Courier tells us, "without that, in that case, these friends of the administration we can never make him President." We think will "modify their opinions," and agree with that those gentlemen, "whether among the he south, that it does not require that amount constituent or representative body," who have of duty. So much for the honesty and morality been so unceremoniously charged with having of the Globe and the tariff friends of the ad"suffered themselves for local interests and par- ministration! If it is not a very Battering picty views," to sanction these "few ultra pre-ure of the latter, they must not be very much tentions," must be little gratified at being thus dissatisfied with it, since we have merely filled identified with this "base and bitter faction." up the outline sketched by a devoted friend and And they are "friends of the administration," servant: too! This surely out-Herods Herod! What! the "friends of the administration!" (the friends of Van Buren of conrse,) sanctioning the ultra In looking over the editorial matter in our pretensions of "base and bitter faction." We exchange papers, we are often struck with the do not exctly know who are the gentle-discordant opinions expressed by the organs of men alluded to by the Globe, either in the con- Mr. Van Buren, as to his feelings with regard

MR. VAN BUREN AND THE TARIFF.

other branch of the national legislature. Let us framed on the principles of the constitution, see if the upper House dare reject this Reform strictly rendered, and with a single view to the Bill, on which the people of the United States revenue wants of the Government."

THE BANK.

I have set their hearts-on which their very exis No amendments now! A future Congress is tence as one and a united people depends. Let to remedy all grievances. The tariff is to be us see if Mr. Clay and his partisans dare set brought down to the revenue wants of the Gothemselves in opposition to that measure of con-vernment! And all these fine promises made ciliation which has for its advocates the mode- to the south by the warmest partisans of Mr. rate and patriotic of all parties. Let us see if Van Buren, who openly claim the merit of hayMr. Calhoun dare cast away this peace-offering, ing passed the present bill by deserting those on the pretence that it does not extend a balm whom they have hitherto acted with. Now, if to all the wounds of the south. Let us see if any dependence is to be placed in all these fine the two "rule or ruin" leaders of opposite fac- promises, why not "attempt," at least, to cartions-the two heads of political antipodes-ry some of them into execution now. You boast will venture, in pursuance of those measures that you can "control the tariff," and we bewhich have hitherto proceeded from their un-lieve you can. You can certainly amend a bill, holy alliance, to act together to defeat this bill, passed by so large a majority. At least, you ostensibly from opposite motives, but in reality need not show such sensitiveness on the possiwith a single view to the Presidential question. bility of a attempt being made to amend it.The eyes of the nation are upon them; let them None but a sinister motive can produce such a beware how and with what motive they act. course, and what that sinister motive is, we "And shall it be mentioned in censure of Mr. think that our remarks have made too plain to Van Buren that his friends have come forward be doubted. almost to a man-those in favor of the protec tive system and those against it-to preserve the Union? Had Mr. Van Buren been in this Those who profess to know the President's country at this interesting crisis, his direct,per-intention, assert that he will veto the bill for sonal influence, we doubt not, would have been rechartering the gank of the U. States. If we most earnestly exerted to ensure success to this were to form an opinion, from his oft repeated measure of conciliation; and if his friends and assertions, we would expect him to do so; but, political supporters, acting in his spirit, and in with the certainty of a loss of power before hia, pursuance of his own views, have been the we think that the kitchen cabinet, who are means of carrying the great Union Bill so trium hostile to the bank, will hesitate long before phantly through the House, shall this be set they advise him to take so dangerous a step. down as another of the wily magician's" sins? As to General Jackson himself, he is deeply The country, or we miss the mark, will give committed, and his flatterers have so long kept the matter a different name. him in the dark, that we doubt whether they "The bill is far from being such a bill as we dare sudnenly to throw upon him the glare of could wish to have passed; it has many imper truth relative to public opinion, and it is ques fections: but under the circumstances, we con- tionable how far it would act on his irascible sider it a great triumph. We consider it the temper if done. They have taught him to beprecursor of a course of measures which will lieve that Pennsylvania "dotes" upon him, and finally end in the establishment of a tariff law that he may with impunity practise upon her framed on the principles of the Constitution, loyalty they have taught him to believe that strictly rendered, and with a single view to the his "popularity can stand any thing," and revenue wants of the government. In the mean most severely has he tested it. Under all these while, the positive benefits secured by the pre- circumstances, it is not within the power of sent plan of reduction are very considerable, any one to say what he will do. and it should be borne in mind that another session of Congress will take place before it goes into operation, if concurred in by the Senate, and it may undergo very important amendments next year. Let us hope for the best."

That his dilemma is well understood appears from the following article which we extract from the Lancaster (S. C.) Beacon:

"The Great Carolinian at Washington" seems to be in a sad dilemma. He is between From the above extracts our readers cannot Sylla and Charybdis, both of which he cannot fail to discover the strongest evidences of a des- possibly avoid. The bank bill, under conside perate attempt to continue the deception. The ration in the House of Representatives, will be Courier and Enquirer tell us that "the people passed by a majority of twelve, or more, and insist upon the bill, the whole bill, and nothing then the unwilling duty of sanctioning or rebut the bill." This is in perfect accordance jecting it devolves on the President. He would with the customary veracity of that press. It blow up the cabinet again sooner than pass gives us positively the opinion of the people sentence upon this bill. If he rejects it, then relative to a bill, of the particulars of which not farewell, a long farewell, to that influence one in ten thousand are acquainted with. which now-a-days supervises and controls the But to a future Congress ought to be left most important events. He dare not, then, further improvements." turn his back upon the bank party. If he We consider it, says the Evening Post, as the sanctions the bill, then adieu to the support o "precursor of a course of measures which will the democratic, southern, constitutional party finally end in the establishment of a tariff law that elected him before. He dare not turn his