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increased labor and exertion for the burthens imposed and to compensate for the diminished value of the taxed production, by an in.

|oppressed by the curse of misgovernment as

the southern Atlantic States of this Union. And yet, Sir, when we tell the story of our wrong's

creased quantity of it. And such has been pre- and our sufferings, a gentleman, who cultivates cisely the case in regard to the production of the alluvial soil and represents the sugar plant

cotton. The more heavy and oppressive the duties imposed upon otr exchanges have been, the more active and efficient has been our in

ing nabobs of Louisiana, (Mr. Bulland,) rises

up, with great complacency, and offers us the

most cruel mockery for our consolation, by tel

dustry; and the less tse exchangeable value of sing us of the wonderful operations of the cotton

our staples, the : our production. - - - * * The property of the great body of the cotton planters consists in a soil and elimate peculiarly adapted to produce cotton, the most valuable staple of the earth, and not adapted to produce wheat, the other great staple of agriculture;

greater has been the amount of planters in Louisiana, and that they can afford

to nake cotton at three cents a pound. Pray,

Sir, can any reason why I should patiently submit to be plundered of one-third of my income by the protecting system be fairly deduced from the É. that the cost of producing cotton in Louisiana is not halfso great as it is in South

and it consists also of a description of labor Carolina on the contrary, is not this the

- adapted only to the operations of agriculture.

strongest of all reasons why the people of S.

owing to the heat and dryness of the climate, Carolina should be permitted to enjoy, the soil of a given fertility will not produce much fruits of their own industry, and not have them more than half the quantity of wheat, or of taken away by the unconstitutional exactions of other grain, that soil of the same quality will this Government, and given to the favored obproduce in the northern States. The laws of jects of its bounty, in another region of the connature, therefore, as well as their own peculiar federacy’ if the cotton planters of Louisiana domestic institutions, have not only degreed are not now in a situation to feel the oppression that the people of the southern states should of the protecting system, or if they are induced be an agricultural people; but that they should so bear it in consideration of an annual bounty

pursue those branches of agriculture in which of a million and a half of dollars

given to the

they are now engaged, and which depend prim-sugar planters, it certainly furnishgs no suffi

o'. forcign countries for a market. of

cient motive for their representative here to

e remarks which have been made in relation exult in the advantages they enjoy over the

to cottom are even wore applicable to rice.

southern Atlantic States, and to rebuke the

The value of the rice lands would be worth, people of those states because they will not comparatively, nothing for the production of tamely submit to be utterly exterminated by

any other staple. If the gentleman from Mas

this system of plunder and oppression. [Here

sachusetts, (Mr. Davis,) will consider these Mr. Bell and disclaimed any feeling of exulta

things, he will be at no loss to account for

what seemed to him to be an incredible phemomenon in political economy, that South Ca- Polina and Georgia should cultivate cotton in competition with the new states of the southwest, when the latter can as well afford to make cotton at eight cents a pound as the former at ten. The truth is, the people of South Carolina and Georgia are obliged to cultivate cotton under all the disadvantages of a double compe- tition, created by the legislation of this Gov* &rnment, or to do what would be worse. I say they arc subjected to a double competition by the legislation of Congress. If we consider * them as producers of cotton, they are exposed to the unequal competition of those who obtain from the Government, at a dollar and a uarter, lands that are more productive than those which cost ten dollars in South Carolina and Georgia. If we consider them as producers of the manufactures for which their cotton is exchanged abroad, they are compelled by the Government to sustain a still more unequal competition with the northern manufacturers; - for, in this case, the cost of their productions is forty or fifty per cent, more than that of their northern rivals, owing exclusively to the impositions of this government, and yet they are obliged to sell those productions for the same price. - - Sir, there never was a coinmunity of men, who bore the name of freemen, so ruinously

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{to be informed that I have mistaken the tone of . - --- - -- == have been peopled principally by emigration|percent, were levied upon the domestic exchan.

the gentleman’s remarks. I was perhaps misled by the peculiar manner and emphasis with which he declared that his constituents had never participated in this false clamor about robbery and plunder One of the gentlemen from Massachusetts, (Mr. EveRETT,) has been pleased to refer the House to another proof of the

of their population. This, Sir, is a much more fallible criterion of prosperity than the increase of their productions. There is no part of this Union, thanks to Providence, and not to the wisdom of our Government, in which the preventive check upon population, as Malthus expresses it, has yet begun to operate. And I think the gentleman might have been induced to distrust the application of this theory to the United States, by a fact stated by himself in regard to South Carolina. He said the slaves had increased more rapidly than the whites; and it would follow, if his arguulent be worth anything, that the slaves are also more prosperous than their masters. But the gentleman groups together the whole of the southern and southwestern States, and appeals to the increase of their aggregate. population as a proof of their prosperity. Now, does not the gentleman know that Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, are new States, and

prosperity of the southern States; the increase .

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since the late war? Does he not also know,
that about one half of the territory of Georgia,
and that the most fertile and productive; has
been acquired from the Indians, and broughtin-
to cultivation within the last twenty-five years?
And has he not himself admitted, that the po-
ulation of South Carolina—a state which has
#. no new lands to bring into cultivation—has
actually fallen offin comparison with that of the
tother States? --
-The truthis, Mr. Speaker, the citizens of S.
Carolina have a strong attachment to their na-
tive soil. All of them would desire that their
bones should be deposited with those of their
ancestors.
their necessities to break those powerful ties of
feeling and patriotism, and to fly to the wilder-

ness to obtain a temporary relief from the ex

hausting operation of this oppressive scheme of legislative plunder. For the last ten years our population has been moving off almost literally in shoals, urged by their poverty and not by their will, to bid a final adieu to the homes of their fathers, and all the endearing associations connected with them. But, Sir, they cannot get out of the reach of oppression, however they mayomitigate their sufferings for a time. And, in the course of a few years, when oth exhausted, they will be too fatally convinced that no climate, however propitious, no soil, however productive, can render tyranny and oppression tolerable to freemento. o iwill now draw an exemplification of the practical effect of this restrictive system upon the productive industry of the planting States, from a subject with which this House is, unfor: tunately, but too familiar; I mean internalimprovements. Europe, Sir, is the natural sharket of the southern planters, and they have precisely the same interest in maintaining and improving the channels and facilities of a cheap intercourse with England, France, Holland, and *Germany, that the farmers and manufacturers of the United States have initiaintaining and im: proving those channels and facilities by which the internal commerce of the country is carried on. The ocean is the great highway oy which the planting States carry their produce to mar: ket, and free trade may, with strict philosophical propriety, becompared to a railroad, which diminishes the cost of transportation com: mercial restrictions, on the other hand, may, with the same propriety, be compared to ob. structions, thrown into that highway, increas: ing the cost of transportation. A protecting duty of 50 percent has precisely the same injurious *ffect open the planters as would be produced by destroying the railroad which conveyed their produce to market, and thereby adding 30 Root to the expense of transporting it the Protecting system is nothing more nor less than *. blockade of our ports, declar. o i.o: of the southern States to ty of 40 or 50. *igorously exacting the penalty ** Perict on the value of every cargo

Yet, Sir, they are constrained by

ir lands shall be on to be

ng but are absolute y authorise

ges of the country, if the farmers of Massachu

setts or Pennsylvania had to pay that duty for
the privilege of exchanging their grain for co-
ton manufactures, or for iron, they would a
once perceive that it was equivalent to adding
40 or 50 percent to the expense of trampoo
ing their grain to its proper market, by lock:
ing the o gates, tearing up the bridges.
and compelling them to travel over worse and
more circuitous roads. But the owed for
pose and inevitable tendency of the American

system, is to accomplish the two-fold result:

obstructing and blocking up, by enormous solo
the gre thatural highway which a kind of Pro-
vidence has provided for the planting States to
communicate with their pecular markets, and
opening tenthonio
ocial highways to facilitate the internal or
merce of the manufacturing states, who

at the same time,

tolls unjustly levied on the go

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mark the effect of it on the commerce o

ever has existed upon the

most perfect system of free rado. mac, the most per y face of the earth.

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defy the historical research of gentlemeno

produce aparallel. What prod
form industry is subject to the slighes
restriction in seeking its prope
ther that market be at home or
the home market, which is to
of the manufacturing Sto
not only imposes no restriction
changes, but grants enorm
them, unconstitutionally and
to exchanges of the plantino

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conceal the true oature of this contest, it is no affair of speculative theory, but a plain business concern. And I will now tell the gentleman from Massachusetts, if he will pardon the liberty, what is the natural price of the manufactur. ing labor of the northern States, estimated in money. It is precisely the same as the manufictušing labor of England, and not a cent more. Let us examine the elements of the compari-son. The English and the northern manufacturers are employed in making the same articles. Does the English machinery, the great agent of production, cost any more than the American? -

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otecting hoonly of 50 per cent, the whole of the productions of southern industry have o orolor the oppressive hurthen of th - same rate of duty, and not only to encounter o foreign competition, but foreign duties also. The ingenuity and the wickedness of man could - not possibly devise a scheme more perfectly adopted to impoverish and desolate the south on states, and enrich the northern states by their spoils. ---

But little more thanohalf as high. Is the ow material of manufactures higher in Eng

eland than in the United States?o Cotton.

to be sure, is a little higher, but all other raw materials, particularly on and wool, are a great deal lower. The aggregate, therefore, of all the other elements of price, excost the wages of labor, is decidedly less in

Hogland that in the United States. Does it

not follow, with demonstrative clearness, that

o It is a system; sir, which ords the plant. in. * free competition for the market one. ors of the southern states as aliens, and their United States, the wages of manufacturi:

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assachuse ts, referring lost as low as the wages of the same labor in leap roof slave labor in the piloting England? The cost of importation is fully

England in capital and machinery. I will now

odustry as foreign industry. -- The o o to 5. states, asks, with a very significant emphasis, counterbalanced by the superior advantages of “do you expect the freelabor of the north to contend upon equal terms withmere machings”;

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examine this sobject in another aspect. Thes English manufacturer says to the southern planter, “my poor operatives have to labor for about ten contsoa day, and I can, therefore, af. ford to give you the product of four days of " their labor for the product of a single day's labor of youtsios.” *Now, is not this the most beneficial of all exchanges for the cotton planters? Is it not betterthat they should o the product of four day’s foreign labor in exchange for one, than be composed to receive only the product of one day's domestic labor, and that less efficient and productive in the o that twelve hours are less than sixteen? -o-o: Nothing can be more absurd and nonsensical than the doctrine of Mr. Niles, and the Harrisburgh Convention, which maintains, that a nation whose labor is dear cannot, without ruin, orry on a commerce with one whose labor is cheap. The very reverse is most obviously the fict. The cheaper the labor of the nations with which we carry of commerce, the more profitable most that commerce be, not only to the persons othedocly engaged in producing the exchanges, but of consequence, to the country at large. It is uo, Sir, that if the interest of the domestic manufacturers is to be considered the great master interest, to which the planting and exporting interests of the Union are to be offer. ed up as a sacrifice, the cheapness of foreign labor may be regarded as an evil, and the manufacturers may properly say to their liege sub

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- -
from exchanging one day's labor of your slaves
for four day’s labor of the English manufactur-
ing operatives, in order that you may be com:
pelled to give the same day's labor for a single
one, of the manufacturing operatives, of your
“very worthy and approved good masters.”.
such, Sir, is the plain language of the de-
cree, embodied in this bill, which dooms the
people of the south-to-eternal slavery; and
whatever others may do, I here solemnly de-
clare that I will never submit to it.o
I feel that I am called upon to notice—soone of
the remarks of another gentleman from Mass.
sachusetts, (Mr. Approtos;), most of which I
did not hear when they were delivered—if in-
deed, they were delivered—but which I saw,

far the first time,a few days ago, in a newspaper.| The gentleman was pleased to say, that he

could regard me in no other light than as “an
expounder of the doctrines of political econd-
my,” and to add that the “notable discovery”
that the tariff-improverishes the south, and en-
riches the north, is “ a miserable fallacy hardly
worthy in itself of a serious argument.”o
The House will doubtless recognize, in the
greatintellectual superiority and standing of the
gentleman, his title to speak, in such torms as
these, of so humble an antagonist as myself of
must be permitted to say, however, that if my
“miserable fallacy” be worthy of an argument
at all, it is certainly worthy one more serious,
and less impotent than that with which we have
been favored by the honorable membero
He has very fairly quoted, in his speech, the
substance of the doctrine which he denounces
so contemptuously; and I am perfectly willing
that it should goodown to posterity, embodied

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in the commentary, being well assured that it
will stand-as-immovable as a rock amidst the
feeble and muddy current that ripples harmless
around its base, *
The gentleman was also pleased to say, that
to call the manufactures obtained for souther
staples, “the productions of southern indu

try, was to confound all common sense.” Howill now call the attenti

doubt not that he judges by the standard of his own intellect, and I have only to remark that common, indeed, must that sense be, which can be confounded by a proposition so plain and obvious. He also said that the idea that the protecting duties diminished the exchangeable value of cotton, required “an effort of the imagination beyond his comprehension” on this point, Sir, I have too much politeness to doubt the word of the honorable member 1 can very well imagine, and that, too, without straining the doctrine of presumption beyond Feasonable bounds, that there are many truths * Poltical philosophy, neither-profound nor * that are quite beyond his comprehen

The honorable member has taken frequent occasion to a : political ee jo. o, gentleman, that mere men's the political affair of ed, at the same time, t

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have been extender
author and founder of to
opinion, is the only one of its”
discussed its principles, no
cate of pecuniary interests.
larged, though mis
At the date of his c
coun
labor, in comparison wit
in these respects, and w
for advanced in manufacturo
with other nations, as it now is
teeting duty which h
was 133 per cent And he do
lude sneeringly to the expositions as a principle of limitation up
Now, Sir, while I per-duties, that if the country

roperpersons to regulate|nufactures to dispense with -
empire, I must be allow-reasonable number of years, " .
•say that it is not in the ove reason against granting"

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floor, concluded his remarks in defence of the veto, and in reply to Mr. Clar. In the course of his remarks, be had characterized the speech of Mr. C. as containing language wanting in courtesy, indecorous and disrespectful to the Chief Magistrate.

porary protection, the act providing that, in a few years, the duty should go down to twenty per cent. This provision was repealed the ve

ry next year, and, in 1824, the duties were the Senator from Missouri.

raised to 334 per cent. on woollens, and proportionately on other articles, Finally, in iš. they were raised nominally to 45 per cent., but really to between fifty and sixty on woollens : and but for the extraordinary excitement in the

south, and the conviction that the people would

not submit to it, I am warranted in saying, from what I have witnessed here, that the woollen manufacturers would now have demanded prohibitory duties, and would have . them. Under these circumstances, I am thoroughly convinced that there is no principle of reaction in the system itself, and that it never can bearrested until it is resisted by the sovereign power of the States, whose productions it subjects to unconstitutional and oppressive burthens - and whose citizens it reduces to slavery. ... I have presented these views in taking my final leave of this painful subject, not so much with the purpose of convincing the majority who support this system, that I am right in the opinions I have advanced, as that I am sincere, and candid, and honest, in the course I have pursued, and may pursue, in relation to it. Through the whole course of my political life, - I have looked steadily and exclusively to the only object that I regard as “worth ambition,” that honest fame which will live with posterity, when this busy scene shall be left to those who are to come after us. While I regard,with utter contempt and scorn the miserable gewgaws and ephemeral honors of mere .# distinction. I confess, Sir, that I feel a deep solicitude to earry with me, in every possible vissitude, the good opinion of those with whom I have been associated in the public service, however widely we may be separated in our respective opinions. If I have succeeded in this object, I shall not regard this as an unavailing or an unprofitable effort. - THE TARIFF BILL. The bill from the House has passed the Senate, with amendments that are calculated to render it still more obnoxious to the south, What will be its fate, when returned to the

Mr. CLAY rose to say a few words in regard to the personal allusions made to himself by He would previously remark that the fact was now established by that Senator, that the famous tariff of the Secretary of the Treasury which had engaged so much anxious deliberation in Congress during his session, originated from a resolution in that officer's own handwriting, presented to and adopted by the House of Representatives. That fact was unaffected by any circumstances which led to the draft of the resolution, and conclusively proves that the duty of preparing the bill, if not voluntarily sought, was not reluctantly assumed by the Secretary. The Senator from Missouri has adverted to

the fact of crowded galleries. But if in pelled by curiosity, the galleries are occasionally filled, when it is understood some Senators are to

speak, no member knows better than the hon,

gentleman that, when some others rise, the galleries are quickly emptied, with whatever else the Senate Chamber may then be filled. The member ought not to be dissatisfied to: day with the presence of those who are around him; for among them is a lady" of great literary eminence. Mr.-CLAY continued and observed, that he had been accused by the Senator from Missouri with a want of couitesy and decorum towards the Chief Magistrate of the United States, in the comments which he had felt it his duty to make upon the President’s message accompauying his veto upon the bank bill. How had he rendered himself liable to this accusation? A bill to recharter the bank had passed the Senate, with the concurrence of his [Mr. Clar’s) vote as one of the majority. The President

disapproved it, and in an elaborate message states at large his objections. Now what was the most respectful course in regard to this message? To examine, weigh, discuss, and decide up on the objections?—or to preceed to the reconsideration of the bill, enjoined by the constitution, in silence? Mr. Clar would appeal from the Senator to the Senate, if he had not treated the President and his message with all the respect which was consistent with the

** Mrs. R-1 was understood to be the per.

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Mr. BENTON, who was in possession of the

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