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ascertain how that fact was, if the system be
a good one, we ought to retain it, come from
where it may, if it be a bad one, we ought to
get rid of it, whether it were introduced by the
north, south, east, or west.
It is sometimes urged that the protecting
system ought not to be abandoned, because N.
England, now most interested in its preserva-
tion, was originally opposed to its introduction.
It is creditable to the statesmen of that section
of the Republic, that they saw and opposed
the injustice and impolicy of the system to
which southern and western men were measu.
It is not disreputable that they
have availed themselves of our errors to gather

edin these speculations, they had good reason

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that if we use more

on theory, there has been to believe that experience would teach therest ommution of the exports and of the Union the wisdom which they had learn

ed, and that the existence of the system would only becommensurate with the blindness which gave it birth. We now see and feel its evils.

or nations can and will con- Their weight is intolerable, and we must have

on o, and this will be beneficial
onse each will receive in ex-
one than at present. They

gricultural products at a

relief. They cannot expect us to travel onward in the path of ruin, with our eyes open. We have suffered for our blindness, and if they shall suffer a little for departing, in their prac.

ry, they will have no great cause to complain.

I have now, Mr. President, finished what I intended to say upon the injustice, inequality, and oppressiveness of this system of taxation, and have also pointed out the injurious effects which it has produced, in my opinion, upon the general welfare of the nation. I will now state the terms upon which I would be willing, under existing circumstances, to see this mauer adjusted. I know I am in a minority; but lappeas with confidence to the justice of those with whom 1 differ. They say they only want a fair competition with foreign articles; let them have it. I am willing to meet them upon that ground; and o the following role by which to place them in that situation. Let us ascertain what articles can be manufactured in this country successfully; then ascertain the original price of similar articlesin foreign coun. ories–add to that price the cost of transportation to our sea-port towns. Now York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Boston—then ascertain the cost of the domestic article of the same kind and quality—then add so much upon the foreign article, by way of duty, as place it upon an equality. We will then have a fair conpetition, and low prices. All beyond this, is

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ice, from the justice and beauty of their theo- o

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the principle I have named, would greatly re. duce the taxation which is now oppressing the community. But if this be not acceptable, 1, as one of those opposed to this system, will agree to any moderate periodical reduction which will give the manufacturers time to accommodate them. selves to the altered circumstances, and, at the same time, present a sure prospect of ultimate justice to the balance of the community. As much as the south and southwest are conscious of being oppressed by this system, their patrio. tism would induce them to suffer much singer, if they could have a gradual amelioration of their burdens, and a prospect of final relief. I would not confinemy views of relief to the tariff laws exclusively. I would extend them to a class of citizens particularly entitled to public consideration. I mean the purchasers of public lands. While removing oppression from others, I would reduce the price of the public lands. I would put it in the power of every industrious man-to become a freeholder. He should have his forty, eighty, or one hundred and sixty acres at a low rate. If he would reside on it a reasonable time, say five years, I should not object to his having it without paying any thing. This turning of day laborers and tenants into independent freeholders, is a kind of legislative manufacturing I am willing to encourage; and when those gentlemen engage in that, I will not lag behind-but I know who will—those who wish to retain their present political power, and are unwilling to see the sceptre depart from them. Before I proceed to the discussion of the constitutional question which has been intro. duced into this debate, I will say a word or two to the Senator from Maine, (Mr. Horos.) He says that, twenty years ago, he was an advocate for the constitutional power of the General Government, and now he finds himself on the same ground. I congratulate the gentle. man upon his returns that after wandering about through the time and space for so long a period, he has at last found himself within the orbit of the Constitution. From the best ob. servations I have been able to take since he last became visible at this place, I should think, in his next transit, he will approximate very near to State Rights. Whether this will be owing to their power of attraction or to the propelling power of the King of the Netherlands, or to both causes combined, I will not undertake to determine. Are the existing tarifflaws constitutional It is my opinion that they are. I advance it with some diffidence, because I know there are ma_ my learned men, both in and out of this Senate, whose views upon this subject are in directopposition to mine. I can discover but little prac. tical good that can arise from a discussion of this subject but as it has been introduced and my mind is satisfied upon it, I can have no ob. jection to declaring the opinions i entertain. shall deliver no philological dissertations upon the subject, as the Senator from Moine has

this power exists, not only by virtue of the constitution, but from necessity. The power to regulate commerce and impose duties on im: ported foreign articles, is given to the Federal Government expressly by the constitution, and it has at all times been considered as an attribute of sovereignty possessed by every state or nation, All nations have exercised it; and had this confederacy never been formed, each State, as a sovereign, independent government, would have been at liberty to exercise it with: * any restraint, and for any purpose it might judge proper. The states discovered that this | was one of the powers which the states could not exercise separately, to advantage and this was one of the strongest reasons which operat. ed to produce the Federal Government it was foreseen that, if each state retained this power, it would be exercised variously, and constant jealousies and collisions would arise among hem; and foreign nations, availing themselves of this state of things, would succeed to de stroying their independence. It was then agreed in Convention, that this power of regulating commerce and imposing duties, whatever it might be should be surrendered by the states to the General Government. This surrender or transfer was made without restriction or limi. tation. It certainly was not designed by the framers of the Constitution, that the state Governments and the Federal Government together should possess less power upon this subject than the states then possessed, and would have continued to possess, had each state remained separate and distinct. Unless, then, it can be shown that, in the transfer of this power, (which at one period unquestionably belonged to the States,) some diminution was produced, it is a fair conclusion to say that it properly belongs to this government,for all the purposes and objects for which nations have been in the habit of using it. It must be at mitted that no portion of this power remains with the several States, because they are expressly prohibited from imposing duties. Who then, has become of it, if it does not appertain to the General Government? I will here remark, that prior to and at the adoption of the Federal Constitution, this power had been exercised by Great Britain, France, Spain, and all other nations with whom we had intercourse, all of which was known to the framers of the Constitution. We are, therefore, as it seems to me, not at liberty to suppose that it was intended by them, that less power should be possessed by that government to which they confided this subject, than was possessed and exercised by those nations with whom we had commercial intercourse. This power is indis. pensable, and without its existence in the Pe. deral Government, there is no power in this *y by which the regulations of foreign ma-. ions, injurious to our commerce can be couneracted. From 1789 down to the present moo ment, it has been exercised, and until a few years past has never been questioned it seems one that goleon follo an error, by mis

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done but attempt to show to the senate that

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DEBATE ON THE TARIFF.—MR. GRUNDY. 63

- oilutionality. The states provided–and, hence, the frequency of elec*** who the war-makingllions, suppose congress should, regardless oned by the Constitution to the of the public interest, proceed, by the imposionment of Congress shall wantion of internal taxes, orogesums of mo. only declare war, it cannotoney for the purpose of doubling the military to is unconstitional, or that fortifications of the country, and to increase o authority. They the Navy to double its present force in two

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o the public debt or to sup-that the amount of duties is the principal sub

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o, on vo of the Legislature point discussed, in the reduction of duties and | || on. constitutionality of public burdens, I cannot unite will them in * * * is to test that question pronouncing these laws unconstitutional. is mono o, on the constitu- Mr. President, I have submitted to the Se:

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or should it have acted, to retrace its steps, placing all its citizens upon an equal footing, and letting them rely upon their own industry and enterprize; rather than on governmental aid for their wealth and prosperty, if those who advocate the manufacturing interests of this floor, shall decline to accede to the terms of compromise I have suggested, will it not be apparent to all the wool, that a fair and rea: sonable protection is not on that is desired, but that extravagant profits is their object, and that, too, at the expense of jostice and right. That spirit, if it exists, will no long be indúg- ed by a high-minded, just people. The so action which always, sooner or later, takes place against injustice, will shake the whole protecting system to its foundation; and they may in vain ask that compromise which they now reject, so ask senators of they will not yield something, in order that soofeo and contentions may case, and good will and brotherly love prevail throughout this great American somoyo Sir, inauspicious and o as appearances aro, I will still indulge the hope that the same spirit of concession, amoy, and conco, which presided in the councils of our fathers, when they rained and adopted our constitution, may likewise influence our deliberations, that it may descend and abide with

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WASHINGTON,

EDITORIAL REIMARKS.

Few circumstances are better calculated to , show the extent to which it is attempted to carry the gulling of the public, than the charge that the hostility between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun originated with the latter. Never was a charge more false—never was hostility more persectly unprovoked than that commenc td by Gen. Jackson against the Vice President. That such is the fact, the pretext itself is con. clusive proof. If the Vice President had given any real ground for a charge of hostility, General Jackson never would have gone back to an old transaction of twelve years,

APRIL 26, 1832.

Vol. W................S2.50 PER ANNUM..... By DUFF GREEN. ..........No. 3.

jor Wandeventer. This charge has shared the
same fate. We obtained from Major Vandeven-
ter a copy of Mr. Caliroun's letter to him, writ-
ten but a day or two before he left this city for
the south, and after the supposed provocation
was given. The letter was published in our
exposition to the public; and we appeal to it as
containing testimony the most conclusive of Mr.
Calhoun's kind feelings for General Jackson
and his administration—much more so than one
public man in a thousand would have exhibit-
ed, considering the course that the President
had pursued towards him,even at that early pe.
riod of the administration.
We do not believe that there is, in the histo-
ry of this republic, an instance of ingratitude so

standing; nor could he have ever ventured
the assertion that he was ignorant of Mr.
Calhoun's construction of his orders in the
Seminole war, when it is a fact as well ascer-
timed as any which occurred yesterday, that
he had been long and fully apprised of it. Tha
this was a mere pretext—that it never was the

real cause of his iotility,is fully proven, not on.
ly by theiacts already stated, but by the conclu.
ive evidence that Mr. Forsyth, Mr. Archer,

strong, and deeply marked, as that of General Jackson towards the Vice President. We hazard nothing in saying, that had it not been for the friendship of Mr. Calhoun, his sagacity, his promptness and firmness, with the eminent taients, and the ardent zeal of his friends, Gen. Jackson never would have obtained his present elevated condition. Yet, knowing all this, as he must, without any provocation on their part, he has made on the Vice President, his friends,

Mr. Richie, Mr. McLane, the present Secre-land his own native State, the most relentless tary of the Treasury, with many otheri, who warfare. His conscience may be kept easy for are now hugged to his bosom, openly denouncine present, by the flattery of the vile syco

ed his conduct on that occasion. The truth is, phants about him, but the time is coming when en. Jackson had determined to make Van Bu-their acts can no longer deceive the people, or ren the Vice President, for no other reason but conceal the truth. The delusion is now pass. because Mr. Calhour fused to yield to the corrug away—the eye of the country is opening to rup course of affairs, and had the firmness and the base and profligate conspiracy, and the virtue to insist that he should fulfil the princi-black ingratitude towards the Vice President, ples to which he was pledged in his election, and and Gen. Jackson's early and faithful friends, on which the people relied for a restoration of to whom he is so deeply indebted. the constitution, and a correction of the abuses. The moral sentiment of the community is which had crept into our system of govern-shocked by the fact that his early, and faithful *m'. It is persectly clear, that Gen. Jackson friends are all discarded, and that he has taken

*nd the corrupt men who surround him, have into his confidence those who, in the hour of never been satisfied with the ground which he his adversity, were his bitter enemies and revilers! Never was there an example, in the his

*umed as the basis of his hostility to Mr. Cal. houn-we mean the allegation that he was distory of the world, more marked in this particu

moran' of Mr. Calhoun's construction of his of -lar; and the shock to the moral sense of the peoder. They have been constantly seeking for ple will be proportionately great, when their other grounds, every one of which has con r, flection is once excited. Let their attention Pkley filed. One of these, on which they be once roused, they will not fail to inquire in*felied, was the conspiracy which jo the cause of all this, and to trace it to that olkged was got up to expei Mr. Eaton from overweening vanity, , and love of adulation, * cabinet. Tit has been crushed by the which has exposed him to be seduced by the full and satisfactory statement, under their own arts and flatteries of the selfish and profligate "d by the persons named in his organ as jividuals who surround him. His early friends *** to support the charge. They next re-swere too stern and honest to resort to such

means of retaining his confidence, and there.

led on the statement of Mr. Speers, of South toolin.' That has been put down no less ef-fore became exposed to his jealousy and ha*qually, by Mr. Speers’ own testimony—intred, a fact which must depress him, in the eye

so, so much so, that it has ceased to be re-jof posterity, in the same proportion that it will

*don. It was next alleged, as the cause of elevate them. *ity, that Mr. Calhoun was disappointed in It is already apparent that the managers no

*; his friends into office—particularly Ma-longer rely on the charge that the difference

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