626 UNITED STATES whole sobject it definitely. It was with extreme reluctance e had been compelled to mske this motion. He had indulged “opes tha' a satisfactory adjustment of this all important subject wooid have taken place at this session, but looking at the bill as it came from the House, and the recommendation of he Senate’s committee to recede from its amendments, which he was satisfied would produce its intended effects, he no longer hoped for such a favorable result. He believed that the bill div-sted of the amendments would is flict the most serious injuries on the greatest interests of the country; hat it would eff, ct the entre ruit, of the ocłlen interests; and that no benefits would result from it commensurate with the evils it was certain to produce. He did not intend to enter into a l ngthy discussion, espe cially at this stage of the business; he would simply content himself with his to otion, which was to nded on the conviction that the passage of the bill in its intended shape would be pro. ductive of serious and tasting evils, and th it is would be received wit, the greatest dissatisfac tion throughout the whole country. He was unwilling to take on himself any part of the responsibility of this measure, and he therefore asked that the question might taken by yes and nays. The ye as and nays were accordingly ordered. Mr. DICKERSON said, that he agreed wit, the sen to from New Hampshire (Mr. Bell.) that the wooliens were not adequately prot ct. tected; that, in fact, it was inore neglected than any of the great interes's which this bill proposes to protect. That he h d made his best efforts to increase the duties upon woollens, and would continue to do so, if there was the slightest prospect of success. He had proof th...t admitted of no doubt in his mind that there would not be a majority in the Senate that would insist and adher to the amendment that fixed the do ties upon woollens at 57 per cent. He had no hope of success but by a compromise in the Committee of Conference, by which an interm, diate rae of duty, oetween 50 and 57 per cont., night be recommended to bo, h houses; this has been found to be impos sible. There are some other interests, 'embraced in the Senate amendments, which it

would be very important to support, but have

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of the Senate had been carried in committee. tle did not cast any reflection on the Chair for constituting the committee as it had done; but he could not conceal from himself the fact, it the majority of the committee was composedd two gentlemen representing States which wet especially interest, d in the iron duty, and to gentleman utterly opposed to the rotectivept. licy. I desire, (said M. C.,) that he country should know how tue matter rests Kenticky is so lected for one of the victims, and Louisa. na for another; cotton bogging and sugar were given up. The manufacturers of woollens, to. gether with all who were concerned in the production of the raw material, were also sacrific d. He wished to know, and he wished the coun. ty to know, who had been concerned in a mea. sure so destructive to the great interests of the country. When the scheme of the Secretly of the Treasury was pro ced, it was esy to see that it was it, nded to sacrifice and destroy the wooleus inter, st, u, b to it. branches, and that ir on was be spared; the plan war, to dwide and conquer, The cotton interest too we to be spared, but the interests of Kentucky ol Louisiana were to be sac, fired. Whatev: might be his vote on the motion for indefit: postponement, he wished the country to k ow why, how , and by whom, some interests ad been destroyed, and others spared to be sacrficed at some future day. He had berninhopes toat, in resp. ct to K stucky, the Sectory would have been cot nt, and that Congres would have been centent to strike out one third of the price of the agricultural product of Ker tucky. But that, it seemel, had not bets deemed sufficie: t. Mr. W ILKINS said, I concurred in the “ port f The gentleman from Kentucky is now satisfied. And I am happy"

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per cent on woollens. For the information of the gentleman from Kentucky, he would go on further and state, that he was anxious, for the purpose of compromise, to give up articles of minor importance, in order to gain something on woollens. The amendment adding 7 per cent. to the duty of 50 per cent. on woollens, came up in course; I voted against receding from it. But the committee of the House, with only one dissenting voice, voted to adhere to the disagreement of the House to this amendment.— This question was then passed over. The other amendments having been r, ceded from, on my motion, the vote on the amendment adding 7 per cent. to the duty on woollens was reconsidered. The committee of the Höuse, however, showed a manifest determination not to yield, and I came to the conclusion that it was better to give it up, than incur the risk of losing the bill entirely. But, in the hope of compromise, I moved 55 per cent, which was rejected. The Senator from New Jersey moved 534 per cent. which was also rejected. I then moved 52 per cent., and that was rej-cted. We were then reduced to the alternative of yielding the 7 per cent, altogether, or of abandoning the bill. I thought, and the Senator from New Jersevagreed with me, that the difference of seven per cent. on this duty was too inconsiderable to keep this country in a state of agitation a single month or day longer As to the principle of pro ecting the domestic manufactures of the country, he supported it as firmly as any man. He was aware that this bill did not continue so much protection to manufactures as might, in good policy, be afforded; but it gave that degree of protection with which Congress appears to be satisfied, and with which the country, he lieved, would be satisfied. He did not think at the duty on sugar and on cotton bagging had undergone a disproportionate share of re. duc ion. It had not been brought down to a lower proportionate rate than the duty on iron He would remark, however, that the subject of the iron duty was not one of those which came before the Committee of Conference; and there was no opportunity, even if there had been a wish, for the commit ee to exhibit any partia i. ty to the iron interest. Mr. CLAY replied that it was with some regret, and no little surprise, that he discovered a manifestation of feeling on the part of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which he had neither expected nor contributed to produce. He had not been accurately informed as to th proceedings of the committee, having been all day otherwise engaged. He was, therefore, taken by surprise with the information that the committee had agreed to recede, not in part but altogether from the amendmen's of the Sente. He had asked for information as to the manner in which this a swer, so unexpect ed and so mortifying, had been obtained. The Sea te, he contended, had a right to this infor natio . If we appoint a cominittee to trea with one other House, to represent our view an Ishes in a conterence, tie apprehendo, that before we ratified their treaty, we had a

right to see their protocol, to see their negocistion in all its stages, as well as its results. The chairman of the committee had not given this information I rose, said Mr. C., and asked it. How does the gentleman treat the call? The . gentleman replies that he is actuated by a desire to promote the public good, and insinuates that I am actuated by motives other than the public good. I wish the gentleman to explain whether this is what he meant or not. Mr. WILKI & S said he had no objection to explain his meaning. I meant to say, that, as to myself, I was actuated by a sincere desire to promote the public good. I believe the gentleman has an object in view which is identified with the course he has taken in regard to the tariff, and which I have no doubt is, in his opinion, likely to promote the public 'good. He was convinced that the gentleman had no objects, which, in his own opinion, were incon-istent with the public good. Mr. CLAY said, that it was not true that he had any other objects than the public good; and that the genileman's insinuation to the contrary did him great injustice. The PRESIDENT pro tem. interposed and said, that the Chair understands the Senator fron Pennsylvania to explain that he did not impeach the motives of the Senator from Kentucky. Mr. CLAY said he did not so understand the Senator from Pennsylvania. If he has so explained his meaning, he, Mr. C., took back the reply. * Mr. CLAY continued. He had no objects in his support of the protective policy, other than the public good, and Pennsylvania, whose Sen. ators were instructed by the unanimous voice of her legislature to maintain that policy unimpaired, is the last State in the Union from which the intimation should come that I am actuated by selfish motives. The gentlemar, tells us that, as a member of the Cominittee of Conferrence, he held out for companise. How much did he yield for the sake of compromise. He tells us that he yielded the whole. Mr. Clar continued to comment on the course of the committ. e5 wiven Mr MANGUM rose to a question of order. tl desired to know if the gentleman from Kentucky had a right to censure a member of he com sitee for his course taken in commitlee. Mr. EWING demanded that the words be taken down in writing, and they were so taken down by Mr. 1. the PRES 11) ENT pro tem. said that the remarks frow the S. nator from Kentucky, were irregular, and would have been out of order, na, not the Sena or from Pennsylvania in reply given a history of the proceedings in committee. This having been done, it was competent for any Senator to comment on the proceedings of le conmitte‘e. vir. CLAY when proceeded, and stated the ground on which he had opposed any reduction which could affect the great interests of the country. He reserved to himself the right

to vote as he pi ased on the question of pos:-
powment, and also on the several -mendments
as they should come up for consideration.
Mr. W. EBSTER said he would be false to
every duty which he owed to his constituents,
if he did not express his entire dissatisfaction
with the proceeding of the committee, from be-
inning to end. He had thought that, on voting
or a committee, he was voting for sending me.
gotia ors to carry the vicws of the Senate, and
not giving a power of attorney, signed, seal-
ed, and ready to be delivered, giving up every
thing for which the Senate had co-tended.
However he might be induced, by a desire to
tra, quilize the country, to vote on this occa-
sion, he should have a deep and ‘a long fing
as to the course which had been putsued. He
could not but express his entire disapprobation
of the report, and his deep regro" that the Se.
nator from New Jersey should have lent it any
courttei since.
Mr DIU, KERSON said, he owed it to the
Senator from Pentisylvania to say, that, although
he differed from him as to a number of the
amendments submitted to the committee, he
had assented to the report as made, and there.
fore telt himselt responsible for that report as
much so as if he had agreed with his two col.
leagues, as the subjects had been brought up
for consideration. The subjects upon which
he filt the most anxiety were the woollens, cot.
ton bagging, and sail duck, upon all which I
urged a compromise, but in vain. I regret ex
tremely, said Mr. D., that I can be supposed.
to have abandoned any of these interests, while
there was a possibility of preserving them; and
the more so, a the motive suggested is, that,
as the iron was provided for, I was the more
ready to acquiesce in prov isions which lef other
interes's without adequ to protection. The
manu ac ure o sail duck is one of great import-
ance to New Jersey, and I consider it abandon-
ed by the bill. -
Senators should recollect that by the bill
theme was a heavy reduction upon i on. He
had made no effort to amend the bill of the
H use, by adding to the duty upon this article;
hat, such an annendment been adopted in the
sonate, no doubt it would have been disagreed
to by the House, and would have been O e of
the subj cts referred to the Cominittee of Con-
ference, and would have shared the same fate
as the others; and I should have acquiesced in
the surrender of such amendment, as 1 have
done in the other cases, when nothing els
could be done. He had abandoned no interest
that could be sustained. He would not make
an eff r that he knew to be uterly in vain–
that he was anxious that the bill should pass in
its present form, if it could not be put into a
better—and that he would not be made an in-
strument in defeating the bill.
Mr HAYNE said, that he considered this mo.
tion as premature, and he should, therefore, at
this time, vote against it. He thought the pro-
per course was to take up the amendments and
dispose of them. Let us at least ascertain the

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|came to be taken upon it, if he could not geti

recommitted, and eventually reconsidered, he -hould then vote for its indefinite postpone. Inent . Mr. HOLMES said he had always expecto that New England would be sacrificed. He presumed the gentleman from South Culin had given up nullification. Mr. HAYNE appealed to the Senate whetht he had mentioned nullification. But sotnik. men were disposed to bring that subject forward, he was ready to go into it. Mr Holmes continued. He regarded the constitutionality of the protective system nulification as the same thing. He to to the course of the Committee, and the ado' ness with which the Senator from South C* sina had carried every thing as he wisho The election was pending, and the boundan qu stion was first given up, the West Indu trade next, and lastly the protective yo. Poor New England was to be given up. To people of that devoted section were still o hewers of wood and drawers of water" south. But if so, the people of New Ergo would not hew the wood and draw the wo" for nothing. The question was then taken and decik as follows: YE \s—Messrs. Bell, Clayton, Foot, Hoo Knight, Naudin, Robbins, Ruggls, So", Waggaman—10. NAYS – Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brow". Buckner, Chambers, clay, R.llas, Dok." Dudley, Ellis, Ewing, Forsyth, Frelinghuosen, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, hol, Joo1son, Kate, King, Mangum, Marry, Mile §. Poindexter, Prentiss, R o slobo, mith, Sprague, Tazew, ll, Tipton, Tomlin'." Troup, o ;: web.e., white, Wilk, s—38 The question then recurred on concuso's with the report of the Committee of Couser. “Ince. Mr CLAY said, he had voed agains to indefinite posponement of the bill, (or"; to himself the right of voting against receding from every one of the amendments of the So ate,) because it would contain much go" even without the atmendments; it containo" clear, distinct and indisputable admission of the great principle of protection. The prico

sense of the Senate upon these amendments.

coeval with the commencement of the Gover"

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ment, and which has been continued ever since, in peace and in war, now that the nation may be regarded out of debt, is again solemnly sanctioned. The ayes and noes, said Mr. C., had disclosed a fact gratifying to every frond of the protective system—that the principle of protection is conceded by every southern g n tleman who voted on the question. It consecrated the principle of protection, and that too after the payment of the public debt ; and it had been sanctioned, too, by the votes of those who had always contended that they were the most injured by it. The principle of protection being thus sa ‘ctioned, when the nation was out of debt, furnished well grounded hopes that it would be adhered to ; and if, hereafter, it should be found that the protection on any branch of domestic industry was inadequate,the great principle of protection, said he, will car. ry us out to afford further aid to it. Mr. Clay congratulated the country on the result of the vote just taken The principle for which he had so long been contending, had been sanctioned by the concurring vote of those who had always professed themselves opposed to it; and it would be the duty of Congress to carry it out and fortify it. Mr. C. excepted, of course, the two Senators from South Carolina, who had consistently manifested their hostility to the system throughout ; but the other southern Senators, by voting against the indefinite postponement of the bill, must be considered as yielding their assent to the principle enbraced In 11. Henceforward Mr. C. hoped that the only question would be about the proper application of the power, giving it efficiency, when more efficiency is required, and moderating its operation where the pressure of it may be unduly severe. There was another consideration which reconciled him to the passage of the bill. It contained a clear recognition of the principles, which he had contended for at the commencement of the session, that the reduction of duties necessary to adapt the revenue of the country to the wants of the government, should

French silks lower than on those of China, and recommended six per cent. for the former. Not content with that measure of reducion, a Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Tazewell.) had proposed further to reduce it to five per cent. And his proposition had been adopted won the concurring votes of most of the Southern Senators. Now if the object had been simily to preserve the distinction between the silk of the two countries, that object might have been accornplished by putting China silk at 30 or 20 per cent, and French at 15 or 10 per cent. The Secretary of the Treasury had recomm mded the retention of a duty of one per cent. on teas and a half per cent. on coffee. Believing that the expense, incident to weighing, marking, and cullifying, would absorb the duty, and unnecessarily keep up the host of officers, the Committee of Manufactures of the Senate had proposed to render those articles entirely free, and their atmondment to that effect had •lso been concurred in by most of the southern Senators. Whilst he rejoiced in the passage of the bill for the reason assigned, he could not vote for receding from the amendments as recommended by the Committee of Conference. He believed those amendments necessary to the interests which they were intended to protect And if the bill should pass without them, as it will not go into operation until after the next session, he hoped, if then ascertained to be indispensable, they would be enacted into a law. And he also hoped that, if there should be discovered any other ommissions or errors in the bill, they will then be corrected. He was aware that in voting against receding, as he should do, the passage of the bill was not endangered. For he could not be ignorant of what he saw around him, that there was a majority, he would not say, as had been said on another occosion, an organized majority, to defeat those amendments. • And now, Mr. President, said Mr. Clay, I hope we shall all go home in a better temper, and resolve to explain to our constituents, fully and fairly, the operation of this established

be thrown principally on the unprotected class, policy of the country, aud with a firm deternip y p , I y

comprehending articles not produced within the country. That discrimination had been strenuously opposed in the early part of the ses sion. It had been opposed with ridicule and derision, and a long list of trifling, and some of them laughable articles, had been held up for the amusement of Con...ress. It had been argued that articles of luxury, used only by the rich, would be exempted fromtaxation, whilst articles essestial to the comfort of the poor were heavily burthened. I. the progress of the session we have seen these objections abandoned by many of those who urged them, and who finally voted for the discrimination. And in regard to the article of silks, the House had adopted 10 per cent. ad valorem as the duties upon Chinese and French silks. The Committee on Manufactures of the Senate, in consequence of an established usage, proposed to make the duty on

nation to spare no efforts to reconcile them to it.

Alr. MANGUM said, as one individual, he mus, protest against any,such misrepresentation of the vote he had given as was contained in the remarks of the Senator from Kentucky. He was unskilled in Parliamentary usage; that a vote against the indefinite postponement of a bill was not a pledge to its support; and that such a vote might be given with a view to such modifications as would deprive it of its objectionable features. Such, Mr. M. said, were the grounds on which he had voted. What was the measure under consideration? It was a proposition to indefinitely postpone a bill in which was embodied a system that had grown up from political collisions; and it was for the purpose of correcting the evils in that bill, which he considered “a bill of abominations,” that he had voted against it. He did not consider this vote as sanctioning the bill. He should over so gato the s nator from Ken tucky as to give his sanction to a bill which, in the vernacular language, was robbing one sec tion of the country for the benefit of another:a bill, the effects of which would amount to a robbery, if not sanctioned by legal forms. Mr MANgum then entered at large into his objections to the bill, and the principle contained 1. it, and declared that if he could give it his sanction, directly or indirectly, he should con. sider himself as tals fying ali the principles on which he had acted through life. Mr. M said he would not become art and part in fixing on the people of this country so oppressive a burthen. Let those, he said, who are governed by a sense of outy, do it; and let those who are governed by a sense of interes do it:-they would vote on their own respo sibility. But, for his part, he considered the protective sys be founded on upidity, and kept up by political and interested motives; and should, therefore, oppose it to the last. When the motion to recommit the bill should be made, as intimated by the gentleman from South Carolina, he should then vote for it, and it that motion failed, he should then vote for the ind, fimite postponement of the bill. Mr. WEBS 1 ER said there could be no commitment of the bill, which had passed; and the only question now was on the concurrence in the disagreem nt of the House. Mr. HAYNE explained his own course in the committee. Being opposed to the whole sysom, he had voted to recede in every cose, and he would to the other gettlemen, (Messrs. Wilkiss and Dick eitsos,) the justice, to say, that they had not yielded an inch, while there was any hope of carrying their poil.". When it became certain, has by striking out seven per cent on “ ollets, and half a cent on cotton oagging and sugar, they might lose the whole bit, which they jusly consid red as eminently beneficial to the manufacturers, th;y very naturally gave "p an insignificant part, to secote the rest. He would do the justice to the Senator troon New Jersey, to say, that neither on this occasion, inor any other, had he manifested the sii. htest disposition to yield on* iota of the protectlo S) stom, and in supporting such a bill as thos, he ho given up nothing to t e south. Mr H. stated that he had seen. letter in the comunittee from one of the strongest triends of to American system in this coun tr., asserting that this bill was better for the prot cteu i terests, than the bill of 1829, and urging its f is ads on no account to suffer t to be foot. After all, however, Mr. H. said that these amendments present d the samallest of all small questions to at he had ever heard gravely discussed in a legislative body, wheth r woollens should have a protection of 50 or 57 per cent. and the duty on sugar and cot on pagging, reduced three or four er cent., still leaving the duties on all of the protected at cles at much higher ad valorem raestuan they were in 1828. He concluded by ayne, unat he swould cer. tainly not vot 10, the bill either in its ouended foru, or in the shape it came from the other

--House. There was very little diff. , cete. tween them, and in either shape, in his view of the matter, it made the system wore than it now is. Mr. DICKERSON said, that in his opinion, the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Harsi) had claimed a little more credit than he merit. ed, for his address in managing his colleagues on the committee; and that the Senator from Massachusetts had given him a little more credit than he claisned. The Seator must have managed us very adroitly indeed, when we had no suspicion that there was any manage. ment in the case. I have only to say that the exhibition the Senator made in the committee, and that which he has just made in describing what took place in the committee, are very different to ings. He was by no means so cle. ver there as here. It was there all mater of fact;--here, not a little fancy. The Senatorio mistaken when he supposes that he in lute one of his colleagues to wield upon one pot!, and the other upon another, and so on alto nately, till he carried all his points. Now, said Mr. D, there was no instance in which the Senator from Pennsylvania insisted upon as amendment, that I did not agree with him. . " is true I yielded 'upon some points, which thought minor points, as we went through the amendments, that I migh, have a bellet to of succeeding upon toose which I deemed " more import.nce, in all which, I can assus:" gentleman from South Carolina, his mano men had no effect. The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Cus) seems to think that we have made a conces" to the south, by our report. So far as to spects oyself, I suspect I gain no credit wi the Senator from south coolina, for such: concessions and certainly deserve none, so conceded nothing which, in my opinion, to tave been sustained without a moral cert" of loosing the bill. Mr. Miller said, in reference to his " against an indefinite postponement, foo" of the Senate did not allow of a mo ific". he had voted in error; for, otherwise, he would have voted for its indefinite postpone” But he conceived the bill was still open illus last. According to the 11th rule of their so ceedings, the questions, among others.” still open “to say on the table,” “topop. indefinitely;” “to commit,” and “to amen. This in view, he had voted against the mo" till the amendments would come before to but he would oppose the bill in every so. Mr. websion so, it was plinto" itself could not again come before them." had been read a third time, and was agreed." by both Houses. But the amendments were" in their power, and a motion to recom" them would be in order; but he conceived ve" course for them to pursue, would be" take the question of concurrence on each amendsment. Mr. Poindexter, believing that to would go o establish the principle of P* tion, he could never give it his vote, in 157

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